Author: Abdi Rahman Mohamed Jibril

Publisher: Partridge Publishing, South Africa

Number of Pages-189

Available in Hardcover, Soft Cover and as an E-book.


Introduction- Part 1 – please note that this is a summary review of chapter 1 of the book. I will hopefully publish final review of all of the chapters shortly

The following review is based on my understanding having read the above book once. I understand that other readers/reviewers will most likely come up with a different conclusion.

This book is unique in the sense that the Author is Somali Muslim whose views are strong and against what he calls “extremist Muslims as well as mainstreams Muslims” the author does not appear to hide his views; he tells them as he sees them. Unlike some mainstreams, Muslim scholars who argue that terrorism has no place in Islam, the author, states that “All of the killings, hatred, and violence perpetrated by Islamist extremists can easily be justified on the teaching of Islam, especially some chapters of the Holy Quran and Hadiths. I have no doubt that this book will shock and even offend many readers, particularly, those who live  the regions the author hails from. This is a book that one will not find the usual politically correct phrases one would normally expect from Muslim writers. The author begins to point the fingers to the teaching of Islam and blames the Koran, hadiths and Islamic scholars and lays everything bare. I am not surprised if he is not labeled as “kafir” because he touched a taboo subjects, and calls the  reinterpretation and a review of Islamic teaching.

Overall this book contains Eight Chapters, and I intend to write a summary review of each chapter. In Chapter one, the author talks about how the teaching of Islam impact the thinking of extremist and Muslims (he interchangeably uses these terms). He argues Muslims hold extreme views and such views are supported by the Quran and the Sunnah. He, therefore, suggest that Muslims should remove all the Quranic verses that support fighting and violence from the Holy Book, because, ‘their cause and effects are invalid and illegitimate.’ The author is specifically critical to the Koranic verses on Jihad. He claims that Koranic verses that advocate for peace are not many and well known like those preach Jihad and fighting against the infidels. He claims that Islam feeds Jihad and encourages Jihadists and extremist to wage war, and the result is; torture and human rights violations that take place in Muslim countries.


Chapter one talks about Jihad in more detail. The author states that Jihad is used to fighting against Muslims and none Muslims alike. All Muslims are taught that Jihad in Islam is important that is why they see nothing wrong in killing because it is part of their religious belief. The author reports that the extremists do not read the Koran to understand its aims and values. They are angry and do not appreciate universal brotherhood. He argues that Islam can be truly a religion of peace, but extremists have hijacked it. He, therefore, suggest that the current trend of religious-based violence and hatred by extremists and in many cases many Muslims requires rethinking or reinterpretation of the religion. The author not only proposes the total elimination of verses that promote Jihad, but he is strong, advocating a total reinterpretation of Islamic teachings and adaptation of the United Nations Human Rights Convention.

The author further argues that the literal and clear meaning of the Koranic verses, support the belief of extremists and the source of their hatred is killing is the Holy Book itself. He claims that there is no common policy in Islam that guarantees peace, instead of Islam emphasise fighting and Jihad. He gives a long list of verses from the following chapters of the Koran;

· Albaqarah – 154, 192, 216, 245

· Al-imran -142, 157, 158, 169

· Al-nissa- 74, 75, 76, 84

· Al-maida- 51

· Al-anfal – 38, 39

· Al-towba 5, 12, 13, 14, 23, 36 and 37 as well as 111

The author believes that the above verses on Jihad served their purposed during the life of Prophet Mohamed and are no longer tenable in this day and age. He claims that Islam is not supposed to be a static religion, it has to change and be relevant to the modern world and its systems. He adds that the law of nature applies to Islam, meaning the understanding of Islam by those before us is not the same. He claims that we must not follow the footsteps of our ancestors. Otherwise, we would be behaving like the extremists.

Religious regulation.

The author talks about how Muslim clerics fail to take the responsibility to convey the true meaning of Islam to their folks. He talks about how Muslims learn the Koran by heart get some basic knowledge of Islam and then give themselves titles such as ‘Sheikh’ and Ma’ allim.’ He argues that there is no well-established system or procedure on how one can obtain these religious titles. Therefore, religious fatwas are the order of the and followers are expected to obey and follow such decrees.

On page 25 the author provides two contrasting claims. He states that the notion that extremist does not follow the true Islam and Islam does not advocate the killing of infidels and is a religion of peace is NOT true, because of extremist, follow the teaching of Islam and are fulfilling the order of their god, according to their belief system. However, on the same page, he states that Islam does not incite envy and hatred for others, but it was made by the people who administered the religion, for a long time.

Interactions with Christians

The author suggests, unlike Muslims Christians rarely expressed hatred towards Muslims. He states that ‘since Muslims consider none Muslims as enemies should they (Muslims) expect the same hatred from Christians? He supports his arguments, by saying that ‘ Christians usually wear a friendly, smile and interact with the without prejudice or hatred’ he tells of how Muslim asylum seekers get everything they need which they could not get from their own countries. He gives an example such as; peace, respect security, freedom justice, education, health services and social welfare. Muslims get all these without discrimination, yet, this is not compatible with what their religion teaches, he claims.

Chapter one concludes that plight of Muslims today is not the oppression from others (none Muslims), but it is due to Muslims not utilizing their own consciences. He gives an example of wartorn countries such as Syria, Somalia Iraq, Libya, and Yemen.


Anyone who says the Quran advocates terrorism obviously hasn’t read its lessons on violence

This article was originally published on the by Qasim Rashid on Tuesday,  April 11 2017

The permission given in Quran 22:40-41 to fight in self-defence was not only granted to defend Muslims from persecution, but to defend Christians, Jews and people of all faiths from acts of terror like those committed by Isis today.


Only two groups in our society promote the “Quran teaches terrorism” myth: anti-Muslim pundits and Isis extremists. Both are wrong.

This simplistic conclusion ignores that many groups in many countries are experiencing terror right now. It ignores the international arms trade from powerful western nations that wholly disregards human rights and has caused the death of more than 60,000 children in Yemen. And it ignores the fact that as Somalians suffer a massive famine Western media virtually ignores them – as it has ignored the Syrian crisis for the last several years.

Yet with attacks in Egypt, London and Syria, critics default to

blaming the Quran, citing its allegedly “violent” verses. We cannot resolve the Syrian, Yemeni and Somalia atrocities until we adhere to justice. Blaming the Quran for terrorism is not only demonstrably false, it wastes precious resources that could be spent on stopping war and famine.

Three critical facts demonstrate that nothing in the Quran permits terrorism. And while Islamophobes and Isis will both go on ignoring these three facts, the Quran, the Prophet Muhammad and Muslims worldwide continue to champion them.

Fact 1

The Quran requires that you read it in full. No “cafeteria Quran” here. As Quran 3:8 says, “We believe in it, the whole is from our Lord.” Isis and Islamophobes instead cherry pick. Quran 3:8 pre-emptively calls out people who cherry pick as “perverse” people, declaring, “…those in whose hearts is perversity seek discord and wrong interpretation of [the Quran].”

But don’t some verses of the Quran in fact say, “kill them where ye find them?”

Yes, hence we get to fact two.

Fact 2

Islam is a practical faith that permits self-defence in certain strict situations. When? Let the Quran explain.

First, the Prophet Muhammad and his companions patiently bore vehement persecution in Mecca for nearly 13 years. This included a three-year starvation boycott from which his wife Khadija later died. Muslims didn’t fight back.

Next, Muhammad sent some companions to seek refuge in Abyssinia under a Christian King, and Muslims still didn’t fight back. Third, when the Prophet’s companions even asked to fight back, Muhammad responded clearly, “I have not been given permission to fight.” And, finally, when the persecution became unbearable, Muhammad and the Muslims simply left Mecca – still refusing to fight back.

These refugees trekked 240 miles through the desert to escape terrorism, finally arriving in the predominantly Jewish city of Medina. If Islam taught terrorism and enforced Sharia, this was the time to demonstrate this. Instead, Prophet Muhammad formed the Constitution of Medina with the Jews, establishing a unified secular state.

Yet the extremists trying to kill Muslims in Mecca pursued the Muslims to kill them in Medina. And now – finally – the Quran

addressed fighting for the first time, permitting Muslims to fight in self-defence. The permission given in Quran 22:40-41 to fight was only given to “those against whom war is waged.” And fighting wasn’t just to defend Muslims from persecution – but to defend Christians, Jews, and people of all faiths. All subsequent verses addressing fighting are pre-conditioned on these clearly outlined rules of self-defense. Otherwise, it’s cherry picking, something the Quran forbids as perverse.

Additionally, Quran 2:193-194 declares that Muslims may only fight active combatants. Meaning, even if during battle an enemy combatant asks for amnesty, you must grant it. In Islam, there’s no such thing as “collateral damage,” mutilation, or torture. All this notwithstanding, fact three issues the death blow to Daesh and Islamophobe ideology.

Fact 3

You might now understand who the Quran refers to when it says “kill them where you find them”. The “them” are those terrorists who persecuted people for their faith, exiled them from their homes and then pursued to kill innocent people in their new homes.

In other words, “them” is close to a modern day Isis. The Quran permits killing terrorists in self-defence because they have waged pre-emptive war against you, or against Christians, Jews, or people of any faith. Yet, even then, if terrorists desist, the Quran forbids aggression against them. This teaching is not mere theory, it’s Islamic history.

Prophet Muhammad did something remarkable when he returned to Mecca after 20 years. Having suffered brutal persecution and murder of even his own children, he offered blanket forgiveness,

with the one condition that the Meccans accept universal freedom of conscience. He did not force Islam. He did not wage war. He did not imprison the city. He forgave.

As non-Muslim historian Stanley Lane-Poole attests: “The day of Mohammad’s greatest triumph over his enemies was also the day of his grandest victory over himself. He freely forgave the Koraysh all the years of sorrow and cruel scorn in which they had afflicted him and gave an amnesty to the whole population of Mecca.”

That is the love and compassion that Islam and the Quran teach. Any honest person can see that Isis represents Prophet Muhammad the way darkness represents light; the two are complete opposites.

Misconceptions about Islam creep in because people learn about the faith from headline news rather than from the Quran and the Prophet. Read the Quran, read a biography of Muhammad, seek out the True Islam education campaign.

The Jihad of education is the death blow to terrorism, and the lifeblood of universal human rights. And I invite you to that true Jihad.

Qasim Rashid is an attorney, author and national spokesperson for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community USA. Follow him at @MuslimIQ

Akhlaaqda Halkee Baa Asal U Ah? (Qaybtii 2-aad)

Qore: Cabdisaciid Cabdi Ismaaciil-Sismail42Cabdi

Siday ahaaataba, doodda ku saabsan diimaha iyo damiirka waxaan xasuustay kaddib markaan dhawaan akhriyey saddexda buug ee kala ah;

  • The Book of Negroes (buugga daabacaaddiisa Maraykanka waxaa cinwaan looga dhigay “Some one Knows my name”) ee uu qoray Lawrence Hill
  • Guri Samada ku Yaal (= A House in the Sky: A Memoir of a Kidnapping That Changed Everything) ee ay qoreen Amanda Lindhout iyo Sara Corbett
  • Socdaalkii Dheeraa Ee Guriga (A Long Walk Home: One Women’s Story of Kidnap” ee ay qortay Judith Tebbutt.

Saddexda buug waxay wadaagaan in saddexduba ka hadlayaan dhib qabsaday saddex gabdhood (Aminata oo ah gabadha buugga hore sheekadadeeda tebinayo, Amanda oo buugga labaad ka hadlayo dhibkii qabsaday iyada iyo wadeygeed Nigel Brennan, iyo Judith oo buugga saddexaad ku saabsan yahay).

Waxayse saddexda buug ku kala duwan yihiin in kan hore uu yahay sheeko samays ah (=fiction), inkasta oo ay cuskantahay dhacdooyin taariikh ah, oo dukumiintiyo la helay laga tix raacay. Halka labada buug ee kale ay xanbaarsan yihiin dhacdooyin dhab ah, oo dadkii ay qabsadeen qudhoodu ay ka warramayaan.

Aminata, Amanda iyo Judith saddexdaba silic iyo saxariir badan ayaa lagu markaday, dadka dhibka ku markadayna waxaa ku jira qaar ehlu diin ah. Diimahooduna kala duwan yihiin, oo isugu jiraan Yahuud, Kirishtaan iyo Muslim intaba.

Tusaale ahaan, Aminata Diallo waxay ahayd gabar Afrikaan ah oo ku dhalatay tuulo la yiraahdo Bayo, oo Galbeedka Afrika ah. Waxaana dhalay qoys Muslim ah. Iyada oo 11 jir ah ayaa habeen madow tuuladoodii waxaa soo weeraray duulkii addoonta ka ganacsan jirey. Waxay dileen labadeedii waalid, iyadana addoon ahaan bay u qafaasheen.

Waxaa laga tillaabiyey badda Atlantika, waxaana lagu rogey mid ka mid ah dekedaha qaaradda cusub (=Amerika). Halkaasna waxay ku silcaysey hillaaddii muddo afartan dabshid ah. Halgan dheer oo ay ku mutaysatay in lagu tilmaamay in ay tahay “haweenaydii ugu kartida badnayd ee aan abid arko/the most capable women I have ever seen”kaddib, waxay dib u heshay xorriyaddeedii, waxayna go’aansatay in ay ka wardoonto dhulkii ay eheladeeda ku ogayd.

Waxay tagaysaa deegaanka gadaal danbe loo bixiyey Freetown. Markay halkaa gaartana waxay dadaal badan ku bixinaysaa sidii ay ku heli lahayd cid dhulka kala taqaan, oo gacan ka siisa sidii ay ku gaari lahayd tuuladii ay reerkooda ku ogayd. Ugu danbayntiina, waxaa la barayaa nin magaciisa la yiraahdo Xasan, kana mid ah ragga addoonta ka ganacsada, oo loo sheegay in uu dhulka aad u yaqaan, waxayna ku heshiinayaan in ay lacag badan siiso si uu u geeyo dhulka ay doonayso. Arrinkaas oo ka dhignaa waraabe hilib ku raro!

Xasan waa nin afrikaan ah oo yaqaan dhulka iyo afka looga hadlo deegaankii Aminata reerkoodu degi jireen, waxayna u badinaysaa in ayba isku qabiil yihiin. Waa muslim salaad jecel, oo dhib kasta oo jira aan marna salaadi waqtigeedii la dhaafayn. Iyada oo ay sidaa tahay, haddana si la mid ah sida uu salaadda uga fekero ayuu wuxuu uga fekeraa qiimaha ay bixi karto Aminata haddii uu geeyo seyladaha dadka lagu iibiyo. Ugu danbayntiina, wuxuu go’aan ku gaarayaa in uu iibiyo marka ugu horraysa ee uu la kulmo cid ka iibsata. Hayeeshee, Aminata oo garatay dabinka uu la damacsan yahay, isaga iyo shaqaalihiisii oo hurda bay habeen madow ka dhuumanaysaa, oo duur cidlo ciirsi la’ ah nafta ku biimaynaysaa. Adiguba caqlaad leedahaye carar maxaa dhaama!

Guud ahaan, muddada afartanka sano ka badan ee Aminata ay rafaadayso dadka dhibaya iyo kuwo gacanta u fidinaya labaduba waa ku kala duwan yihiin afka, diinta iyo midabka intaba.

Dhanka kale, Amanda waa gabadhii u dhalatay dalka Kanada ee bishii Agoosto ee sannadkii 2008dii iyada iyo nin ay saaxiib ahaayeen lagu afduubay magaalada Muqdisho, muddo 15 bilood ahna maxbuus u ahayd burcaddii afduubatay. Judith iyaduna waa haweenaydii u dhalatay dalka Ingiriiska ee burcadda Soomaaliyeed ka afduubeen magaalo xeebeedda Mambasa sannadkii 2011, muddada lixda bilood ka badanna Soomaaliya la haystaha ku ahayd.

Amanda raggii afduubay waxay u sheegeen in ay yihiin mujaahidiin u taagan in ay dalkooda iyo diintooda ka xoreeyaan Itoobiyaanka iyo gaalada kale ee ku soo duulay. Dhab ahaantiise, ikhyaartu diin jiris ma ahayn, balse doollar jiris bay ahaayeen. Xaqiiqadaasna Amanda waxaa si cad farta uga saaray wiil ka mid ah raggii ay u afduubnaayeen, oo ay magaciisa ku sheegtay Xasaam. Xasaam oo ay ku tilmaantay in uu ahaa wiil quraanka ku fiican, sidaa darteedna burcadda salaadda ka bixin jirey, wuxuu Amanda ku yiri: “Arrinku waa beeso, Islaam ma aha/ It is money, not Islam”.

Arrimaha ka maragkacaya in xaajadu xoolo raadis ahaydna waxaa ka mid ah in Amanda kaddib markay aragtay sida raggaani dhaqan diineed u muujinayaan, ay istustay in haddii ay islaamnimo sheegtaan ay xaaladdooda wax iska beddeli karaan, oo la sii dayn doono ama ugu yaraan si wanaagsan loola dhaqmi doono. Waayo, sida ay la tahay muslimiintu waa walaalo aysan bannaanayn in ay af iyo addin toona wax dhib ah isaga geystaan.

La mood noqonse wayday! Oo islaamkii Amanda iyo saaxiibkeed Nigel ay afka ka sheegteen, wax jixinjixa ugama helin burcaddii ay u qafaalnaayeen. Waxayse qirtay in musxafkii loo keenay iyo quraankii la barayey ay u ahaayeen daawo xagga maanka ah. Waayo, waxay heshay wax ay akhriso, oo waqtiga isku dhaafiso, welwelkana wax yar isku illoowsiiso. Waxaa intaa u dheeraa, in iyada iyo saaxiibkeed oo labo qol ku kala xirnaa ay baalashii kitaabka quraanka u adeegsadeen in ay farriimaha isku dhaafsadaan. Sidoo kale, waxay sheegtay in wardiga salaadda kaddib la akhriyo ee ah Subxaanallaah, Alxamdulillaah, Allaahu Akbar ay booskiisa ku beddelatay wardi ay nafteeda kula dardaarmayso, oo ah in ay boqol jeer ku celceliso erayga “adkayso, adkayso, adkayso, waad awooddaaye adkayso, ….!”.

Sida Amanda buuggeeda ku xusayso ragga afduubay diinta waa jecel yihiin. Salaadaha aad bay ugu dadaalaan, salaadda Jimcada dhar dhaqan oo qurxoon bay u qaataan, meel walba masaaxif quraan baa u waran, Isniinta iyo Khamiista waa soomaan, subaca iyo quraan akhriska afka kama qaadaan, hadalkooda oo dhammina waa waano iyo wacdi.

Amanda hooyadeed waxay sheegtay in ay saraakiishii Kanada ee la socoshada xaaladda gabadheeda u xilsaarnaa ay u sheegtay in ay ka welwelsan tahay in gabadha la qabsado (=kufsado). Saraakiishiina ay niyadda ugu qaboojiyeen in muslimiinta mukhlisiinta ah agtooda qabsashadu ka tahay denbi dilka ka daran.

Laakiin dhanka kale, marka laga yimaado denbiga ay ka siman yihiin ragga afduubka geystay ee ah in ay doonayaan in ay bani’aadam ka mushtaraan, ninka Amanda sida joogtada ah u kufsanayaa waa macallinkii quraanka barayey. Waa nin wax badan ku canaantay quraan ay si khaldan ugu dhawaaqday ama dhakhsihii la rabay ay ku qaybi weydey. Waa nin marar badan ku eedaynaya in aysan muslim wanaagsan ahayn, sababtuna ay tahay in ay been sheegtay. Waa nin jihaadka jecel, diyaarna u ah in uu dhakhso u shahiido.

Amanda iyada oo tilmaamaysa xaaladdeedii markii ugu horraysay ee kufsiga loo gaystay, waxay sheegtay in kufsigu: “tog dhex dhigay qofkii ay markaas noqotay iyo kii ay markaas ka hor ayahd making a gulch between me and the person I’d been”.

Kaaga daranta, kolka ay dhibka qabsaday u sheegto ninka dhallinta xukuma, oo ay ku tilmaantay in uu ahaa nin ladnaani ka muuqatay, una sheegay in uu dunida kale soo arkay, oo tusaale ahaan uu dalka Jarmalka muddo ku noolaa, isla markaana uu ahaa nin dhaqan diin ka muuqdo, oo astaanta sujuudda salaaddu ay wajiga uga taal. Halkii ay danqasho iyo wax qabad ka filaysey, intuu musxafka quraanka soo qaato, oo kala furo ayuu aayad farta ugu fiiqayaa, isaga oo u sheegaya in ay aayaddaas akhriso.

Aayadaha uu u sheegayo in ay akhriso waa aayadaha ay ka bilaabato suuradda al-Mu’minuun ee oranaya:

Waxaa dhab ahaan u liibaanay mu’miniinta

Ah kuwa salaaddooda ku khushuuca

Oo ah kuwa hadalka macno darrada ah ka jeesta

Oo ah kuwa bixiya sakada

Oo ah kuwa ilaaliya xubnahooda taranka

Haweenkooda iyo waxay hanatay gacantooda mooyee, laguma dagaalo taas.

Ninkaan oo ay gabadhu sheegtay in magaciisa loogu sheegay Maxamed, balse iyagu ay u bixiyeen Donald Trump -(waxay ku sammiyeen maalqabeenka Maraykan ah, ee hadda madaxweynaha u sharraxan. Waayo waxay la ahayd inuu ka mid yahay ragga mashruuca afduubkooda maalgelinayey)-, nuxurka farriinta uu doonayo inuu gabadha ka dhaadhiciyaa waa in kufsigeedu yahay arrin diinta Islaamku ay bannaysay, oo aan lagu danbaabayn.

Maxamed waa burcad fiqi duurre ah, waxayna la tahay in gabadhu tahay addoon la soo qabsaday, ayna soo hoos galayso Milku-yamiintii diintu bannaysay wax u doonashadooda. Amanda waxay sheegtay in ay liqi kari waydey in Maxamed oo ay waayo-aragnimo ku tuhmaysey uu quraanka u macneeyo sida kurayda yar-yar ee u shaqeeyaa ay u qaataan. Waxayna hoosta ka xarriiqday in xataa Injiilku dhib badan gaysanayo haddii loo macneeyo sidii qarniyo ka hor loo macnayn jirey.

Si ka duwan xaaladda Amanda, Judith Tebbutt marka ay ka hadlayso xiriirkii iyada iyo raggii afduubay waxay sheegtay in inkasta oo dayac iyo darxumo badan la baday, dhawr jeerna loogu hanjabey in la dilayo haddii lacagta maxadfurashada dhakhso loo bixin waayo, haddana aysan ka cabsanayn in nafteeda dil iyo faroxumayn toona loogu geysto. In xaalku sidaa noqdana waxay ku macnaysay in ragga haystey ay u arkayeen walax lacag joogta, oo haddii la waayo, lacagtii ay joogteyna la weynayo. Waxay tiri: “Waxaan dareemay in ay ii arkaan sidii in aan ahay walax ay lacag ka samayn karaan. Dhab ahaantii wax dan ah qof ahaan iyo dumar ahaan toona iigama aysan lahayn. Haba ka yaabin!”.

Amanda iyo Nigel waxay ka baxsadeen burcaddii haysatay, waxayna maciin bideen masjid ku dhawaa gurigii lagu hayey. Masjidka waxaa joogey rag badan oo salaad duhur u yimid. Amanda iyo saaxiibkeed markii ay calaacaleen oo ay codsadeen in la badbaadiyo, waxaa loo sheegay in la badbaadinayo. Hase ahaatee, kolkii burcaddii masaajidka ugu soo gashay, ee ay ka jiiteen masaajidka dhexdiisa, ma jirin cid far dhaqaajisay ama xataa diir-nax muujisay, oo aan ka ahayn hal qof oo dumar ah. Haweenaydaas oo iyada oo xijaaban masaajidka u soo gashay si ay dadkaas u badbaadiso, hiil iyo dadaal badan bay muujisay, laakiin burcaddii ayaa u itaal sheegtay, mana aysan helin cid dagaalka la gasha. Iska daa in ay hesho cid dagaalka la gasha e, raggii masaajidka joogey iyo kuwii guryaha ka soo baxay qaarkood burcadda ayay taageero u muujiyeen.

Judith iyaduna buuggeedda waxay ku xustay in muddadii ay la haysta ahayd ay mar xoogaa faraxday. Sababta ay la faraxdayna waxay ahayd in haweenay burcadda raashinka u karin jirtey oo magaceeda ay ku sheegtay Aamino, ay maalintii dhalashadeeda ku beegnayd ay u keentay sanbuus iyo dhalo Sprite ah, markii ay ka tagayseyna ay hab siisay (Amanda qudheedu waxay marar badan xustay dareenkii ay nafteeda uga tageen arrimo yar-yar oo ay ka mid ahaayeen; cad kalluun ah, koob shaaha iyo qalin ay waqtiyo kala duwan qarsoodi ahaan ugu keeneen Jamaal iyo Xasaam oo ka mid ahaa wiilashii waardiyeyn jirey). Sida la ogyahayna, qiimaha haddiyaddu kuma xirna sicirka ay suuqa ka joogto, balse waxay ku xiran tahay nuxurka iyo dareenka ay xanbaarsan tahay.

Dhanka kale, ragga Soomaaliyeed ee Judith saygeedii (Mr. David) diley, iyada afduubay, silic iyo saxariir ku markaday, ugu danbayntiina lacagta madaxfurashada ah ku soo daayey -(buugga laguma sheegin tirada lacagta la bixiyey, cidda bixisay iyo qaabka loo bixiyey toona, waxa keliya oo lagu xusay in arrinkaasi uu sir yahay) – waa muslimiin diintooda jecel, kuna faana. Waa rag aan oggolayn in salaadi ka tagto duruuf kasta oo ay ku sugan yihiin. Ma jecla in ay arkaan xubin ka mid ah jirka haweeney ajanebi ka ah, oo tusaale ahaan Judith waxay si joogto ah ugu khasbayeen in ay xijaab xirato, oo xataa aan la arag qayb timaheeda ka mid ah. Dhibka ay sida ba’an uga cabatayna waxaa ka mid ah qolalkii mugdiga iyo kulaylka badnaa ee ay ku xirnayd iyada oo xiran xijaab kulaylkii dabeecadda mid kale ugu sii daray.

Ragga sidaa u diin jecel marna ma milicsan xadiiska nebiga (SCW) laga wariyo ee yiraahda: “Dad waxaa u shar badan kan dadka iibiya/ شر الناس من يبيع الناس”.

Waxaana xusid mudan, in habdhaqankaani uusan ku gaar ahayn ragga Aminata, Amanda iyo Judhith afduubay, balse uu yahay mid ay wadaagaan burcadda badankoodu Soomaali iyo ajaanib, muslim iyo qeyrkood. Waxaana muuqata in marka ay is-qabtaan mabda’a iyo jeebku, in dadka badankoodu ay jeebka ka horraysiiyaan diinta iyo damiirka.

Amanda Lindhout waraysiyadii ay saxaafadda siisay midkood, iyada oo ka hadlaysa raggii afduubay ee jirrabka ba’an mariyey, waxay tiri: “ Waa bani’aadam leh sheekooyin xanuun badan oo soo maray. Sheekooyinkaasi sina denbiyadooda ugama beriyeeli karaan, balse waa miro ka dhashay dhaqanka gacan-ka-hadalka/ They’re human beings with painful stories of their own. It doesn’t make them innocent by any means, but they’re products of a culture of violence.”

Amanda waxay xustay in habeen Cabdullaahi kufsanayey, naf iyo nololna ay ka quusatay, ay ku fekertay in inta ay dafto qorigiisii oo dhulka yiil, ay xabbad oodda uga qaaddo, balse ay judhiiba xasuusatay sheeko uu Cabdullaahi horay ugu sheegay oo muujinaysa dayacii iyo darxumadii uu ku soo koray, markaana ay nafteeda ku dajisay in ay sidii ruux jirran oo caawimaad u baahan ay u aragto, ulana dhaqanto.

Markaan erayadaas Amanda akhriyey, waxaan xasuustay erayo aan mar hore ka akhriyey buug uu qoray qoraa Sacuudi ah, oo magaciisa la yiraahdo Maxamuud Taraawri, mar uu ka hadlayey Carabtii batroolka ka hor dhici jirtey muslimiinta Maka iyo Madiina xajka ugu socda. Erayada Taraawri ku qoray buuggiisa “Maymuuna “ ee uu tilmaanta uga bixiyey Carabtii xujeyda dhacaysey waxay ahaayeen: “ Waa muslimiin, muuminiintuna waa walaalo,… balse waxay ahaayeen jaahiliin gaajaysan… jahliga iyo gaajaduna naf iyo diinba waa dulleeyaan!”

Hadal iyo dhammaantiis, diinta iyo akhlaaqda waxaa ka dhexeeya xiriir xoog badan, laakiin marna ma aha sidii mataano uurka hooyadood ka soo baxay iyaga oo isku dheggan oo kolka mid dhinto ay khasab tahay in kan kalena uu raaco. Ruuxda diintu waa in Alle la jeclaado, uunkiisana ammaan la siiyo. Waana in la ogaadaa in nebiga (NNKH) loo soo diray si uu Bilaal iyo saaxiibbadi ugu gargaaro, balse aan loo soo dirin si uu Alle ugu gargaaro. Waayo, gargaarka dhabta ah ee Alle loo fidiyaa waa kan uunkiisa loo fidiyo. Khaliifkii Cumar bin Khaddaab (RC) waxaa laga wariyaa in uu yiri: Dadka Alle ugu yeera idinka oo aammusan. Waxaa la weydiiyey sidee bay ku suuroobaysaa in aan dadka Alle ugu yeerno annaga oo aammusan? Wuxuu yiri: Akhlaaqdiinna!! Cumar ka horna, nebigu (NNKH) wuxuu noo sheegay in diintuba tahay akhlaaq iyo dhaqan wanaagga, oo nebigu wuxuu yiri: “Diintu waa akhlaaq wanaag /Addiinu Xusnu al-khuluq!” iyo “Diintu waa dhaqan wanaag/Addiinu mucaamala ama xusnu mucaamala”.

Cabdisaciid Cabdi Ismaaciil


Weydiintii xitaa ma ka weecannay?

Qore: Cumar Xasan- laga soo xigtey-

Weydiintii xitaa ma ka weecannay?!!

Boqol sano ka hor Muslimiintu waxay isweydiinayeen weydiinta ah: maxaynu udibdhacnay, iyaguna (reer Galbeedku) ay u hore mareen?

Waydiintan waxaa buugaag iyo maqalloba ka qoray rag mufakiriin iyo wadaaddo diineed isugu jira, waxaana ugu cadcaddaa:

Shakiib Arsalaan(Lubnaan)
Rufaaca Dahdaawi(Masar)
Muxammad Cabdoo(Masar)
Cabdiraxmaan Alkawaakibi(Suuriya)
iyo Shikh Rashiid Ridaa (Masar)

Maanta weydiintaa waxa beddelay,waydiimo kale sida:
Shiicadu ma galaa mise muslim?
Dimuqraaddiyaddu ma gaalnimaa mise islaamnimo?
Gadhka qofka xiiraa ma faasiq baa mise maya?
Muusigga iyo heesuu ma xaaraanbaa mise xalaal?
Is halaagiddu ma jihaadbaa mise maya?
Habluhu xilalka sare ee qaranka (madaxweyne, ra’isuwasaare, wasiir, xildhibaan, qaalli, iqk) ma ka qayb-qaadan karaan mise maya?

Akhriste makuula muuqataa in ay waydiintii hore hagaastay?
Maxaase keenay dibunoqoshadan maanta taagan?

Waxay ilatahay dhawr waxyaabod baa u sabab ah:
1.Waydintii hore oo si qumman loogu dhugmo yeelan
2.Diktaatooriyaddii siyaasadeed ee boqollkaa sannadood xukumaysay muslimiinta oo la dagaallantay maanka iyo isweydiintii qummanayd
3.Soo bixitaanka dhaqdhaqaaqyada islaamiyiinta sida Ikhwaanul_musliminka iyo Wahaabiyadii batroolka loo soo saaray, kuwaasoo dadka u sheegay in waxa keliya ee loo baahan yahay ay tahay in ay u noolaadaan sidii Salafku u noolaayeen, ugana digay inay ku daydaan gaalada halaagsantay ee reer Galbeed.

Qoladaan islaamiyiintu waxay ku abuureen dadka dareen islawayni aan xaqiiqo ku dhisnayn,oo ku koobaya mushkiladdaba keliya dumarka dharkooda iyo jihaadkii oo la soo nooleeyo, kaddibna si mucjisa ah udhalinaya khilaafadii luntay ee Muslimiinta.
Waxayse muslimiintu ku baraarugeen dhawaaqa miigagga USA;RUSSIA;BRITAIN IYO FRANCE oo galaa baxaya dhulkii ugu jilbaabka, salaadda iyo jihaadka badnaa , sida; Somaaliya, Afgaanistaan,Ciraaq iyo Suuriya..mise salaadi kaama celiso,oo soon daa, habaarkiina xitaa Sudaysi waa soo karay oo beryahan sidii hore uguma luqeeyo.

Haddaba miyaanay u muuqan in mar labaad la soo nooleeyo iswaydiintaas iyo kuwa u dhigma, gaar ahaan bulshadeenna Soomaliyeed oo layska illoobo ismoodsiiska odhanaya Ilaahay baynu ka fogaannay,ee aan salaadda ku yaacno.
Salaadda, soonka iyo dharka haweenku wax cilaaqo oo gaar ah lama laha horumar adduunyo iyo dib udhac toona, waa cilaaqo ka dhexaysa qofka iyo Rabbigiis.

Maxay u hormartay Japan oo innaga halkan ina dhigay?

Waa Waydiin u baahan warcelin ee aan u baahnayn waano

Donald Trump signs a visa-free travel policy for Somaliland

TrumpThe United States President, Donald Trump has signed an executive order to allow all Somaliland nationals travel to the United States without visas. The new order, serving as a change in visa policy for Somaliland traveling to the United States, would permit them stay in the U.S for a maximum period of 180 days for Tourism or Business purposes only. Stay over 180 days would therefore require a visa. Trump says this measure is to strengthen trade between the United States and Somaliland. However, Somalilanders who hold dual nationality will be banned from entering the United States if their other passport is from Syria, Iraq, Sudan, Libya, Yemen and most importantly, Somalia, the failed state among the other seven Muslim-Majority countries “of concerns”.

It has emerged that trade and bilateral visa deals have been discussed by Trump and Somaliland Diplomats in the States. A source at the White House has hinted that Trump may revoke Australia’s opportunity of traveling to the United States without visas after cancelling all trade deals with the country. Allowing Somaliland to the United States freely is not the only order signed into force by Trump since assuming office. He has signed five new executive orders – including one to expedite environmental review and approval of high-priority infrastructure projects. President Donald Trump signed executive orders to advance the construction of the controversial Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines. He also signed an executive order on Monday barring federal funds from organizations that promote abortion around the world, including the International Planned Parenthood Federation, in what activists say is the president’s first major pro-life

action while in office.

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Somalis fare much worse than other immigrants; what holds them back? (The Economist online, 17/8/2013)

by Abdinasir Ali Mohamed: Saturday, August 24, 2013

Any objective reader of The Economist’s articlewould quickly sense not only the plight of British-Somalis in the UK and the huge acculturative challenges they face, but also may sense what can be construed as the motivation of the article. Although the causes of some of the challenges this community faces have been widely discussed in literature (see APPG, 2012; Atfield & Bloch, 2002; Bigelow, 2008; Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Harris, 2004; Mohamoud, 2011; Rasmussen, 2009; The Change Institute, 2009); the article’s quick jump to associating British-Somalis with gossip houses may be a clear indication of its motivation to project Somalis as preferring gossiping to finding jobs. This understanding is reinforced by the article’s emphasis on the community’s low school achievements, religious extremism, and ‘refugee’ statuses which makes many to rely on the benefit system. Although the article provides a problem question that deserves genuine and serious investigation, it fails to identify a key issue―absence of meaningful data about the community at the national level―rendering the article uninformative. Without available national data, no genuine effort can provide a plausible answer to what holds Somalis back both in UK and in the wider EU in any meaningful way.

Absence of Data

Any genuine discussion as to why British-Somalis fare worse than other minority groups has to start with the absence (and availability) of good data. Without credible national data, any portrayal of the British-Somalis will simply remain futile. This is because, like any other research question, defining the problem must precede armchair comments about it. Therefore, why Somalis in the UK lag behind may be partly explained by the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level. For example, in the most recent UK census in 2011, as in the 2000 census, the government did not collect Somali data (APPG, 2012), although it collected data of groups that are far smaller than British-Somalis (see Office for National Statistics (ONS), December, 2012). Instead, British-Somali data were collected as part of the wider Black/African category. There are two reasons as to why ONS should not lump Somalis into this grouping variable. Firstly, Somalis in the UK clearly differ from the majority of their Black African counterparts on numerous factors: most Black Africans in the UK hail from former British colonies e.g. Zimbabwe, Zambia, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and so on; where English is the lingua-franca. In contrast, English language has never been the lingua-franca among Somalis. Thus, while most people of Black African heritage come to the UK with working level of the spoken English language, and British recognised qualifications, many Somalis did not; leading to lack of recognition and utilisation of their qualifications, skills and expertise (Atfield & Bloch, 2002; Harris, 2004). Secondly, most people of Black African heritage in the UK e.g. Nigerians and Ghanaian were not uprooted by a civil war like most Somalis. Therefore, not only the highly educated middle class Somalis became refugees in the UK, but also the nomadic and farmer communities uprooted by the civil war too. Hence, the Black/African category cannot not statistically meaningfully represent such distinct groups.

Moreover, in the absence of Somali category, one would assume that most Somalis would tick the nearest category which they think they fit, which is Black/African. This may be exacerbated by an unfamiliarity among the Somalis about the meaning of these categories. Recently, a Somali parent and a former statistician in the Somali ministry of planning informed me that while ticking the ethnic group part on a school application, his 20 year old daughter and 18 year old son asked him if the reasons for him to tick ‘Other’ and write Somali was because he did not want them to be identified as Black/African? Such naive assumption is generally observed in research as resulting from the absence of any cues as to the purpose of these categories, leading to both methodological validity and reliability issues. This indicates that the data known about Somalis in the UK are terribly incomplete at its best. Using such problematic data and making assumptions, generalisations and comparisons is grossly misleading, simply because some Somalis tick categories such as ‘Other’ and write Somali, while others simply tick ‘Black/African’. Therefore, a good proportion of Somalis are obscured in the Black/African category, while only a fraction are identified as Somalis.

In addition, although some local councils recently began to collect ethnic data i.e. school achievement (Ali & Jones, 2000; Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Strand, et al., 2010; Tower Hamlets Council, n.d), these results vary from council to council. Perhaps, this is because students may tick themselves as ‘Black/African’ rather than Somali in order to not only fit in their environment, but may also do so as an avoidance strategy of perceived discrimination. Thus, in the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level, and in the absence of efforts to educate the British-Somali community about the aims of these categories, the generalisations of inactivity and benefit dependency made in The Economist article will remain simple claims that are difficult to substantiate.

Furthermore, the article suggested that Somalis in the UK are just over one 100,000. Speak to Somali community leaders and the figure is between 350,000 and 500,000. One Somali academic and a community leader working for the NHS in Birmingham told the author of this paper that Somalis in Birmingham are estimated at over 80,000. In addition, two London boroughs, Ealing and Brent, boast to have about 65,000 Somalis, although community leaders believe that the numbers are far greater than these official figures. In light of the huge discrepancy between estimates of Somali community leaders and the cited figure of The Economist article, it could be safely argued that such claims as ‘50% of British-Somalis rent from local councils’ should be more statistically corrected to 12.5% since the article cited approximately a mere 25% of the British-Somalis in the UK; which is not surprising considering the high discrimination levels they face when compared to other groups (APPG, 2012). This again, highlights the plight of British-Somalis since their data are obscured in a wide category that does not sufficiently represent them.

So why do they fare worse?

There is no doubt that British-Somalis fare worse than their counterparts in the UK. However, considering the fact that Somalis are known to be industrious and entrepreneurs, their predicament appears to have both social and structural barriers that prevent them from utilising their skills. For example, employment is closely entwined with skills, experiences and levels of education; and the better one’s skills and education level, the higher their chances of employment. However, for the Somali community, the problem is not a lack of skills or education, rather a set of barriers resulting from lack of recognition of their skills and education (see Harris, 2004) to discrimination and exclusion. Such lack of recognition of skills e.g. doctors driving minicabs (Harris, 2004), and the purposeful dissuasion by school teachers of young Somali students from aiming high (Kuyok, 2011) are some of the examples of barriers to employment and school achievements. Thus, what holds Somalis back can be summarised as the interplay of a number of structural and social barriers of which lack of recognition of skills is a crucial one.

Furthermore, there has been little social research on British-Somalis, and what is known about them is known through commissioned reports that seek solutions to problems of a particular time and place. However, even these commissioned reports on the Somali community highlighted the widespread perceptions of discrimination and sense of invisibleness among the community (Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Harris, 2004; McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Rasmussen, 2009). In addition, compare Somalis in Europe to Somalis in the UAE, South Africa, Zambia, South Sudan, and Nairobi; a different picture emerges: a successful and highly entrepreneurial community; further reinforcing the argument that widespread discrimination and lack of access to opportunities are holding British-Somalis back.

Last but not least, as it appears, when refereeing to Muslim groups, no article is complete without the flavour of religious ingredients. Similarly, maligning easy-target Muslim minority groups, lack of sensitivity and critical evaluation of uninformed and unrepresentative comments no longer appear to be a monopoly of the red-top papers. As The Economist’s article portrayed, sections of the British-Somalis are becoming fanatics; its ‘evidence’ is by a reference to a comment about three year old Somalis wearing headscarves, together with the emphasis that British-Somalis overwhelmingly depend on the benefit system. This appears to create a blend of disgust and fear among lay readers of The Economist article, leading to a self-fulfilling prophesy as readers may expect Somali women or even children wearing simple and peaceful headscarves to be the prophesied indicator of Muslim fanaticism―an outcome I like to think The Economist did not intend to predict.

Besides the barriers that British-Somalis face in the UK and in the wider EU, and contrary to the bleak image painted by The Economist article, British-Somalis are making positive strides. In the education front, more and more Somali private schools and after-school clubs are emerging in almost all areas that have sizable members of the community. In addition, in most universities, British-Somali students both females and males are becoming more visible, while more and more British-Somalis are opening new businesses e.g. import/exports, pharmacies, money transfer companies and other retail based trades. Finally, in the face of subtle and sometimes blatant discrimination, and in the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level, it would be futile to make armchair assumptions and sweeping generalisation stripped of all contexts about an entire community that may be faring reasonably well against all odds.

Abdinasir Ali Mohamed (London, UK), is a researcher interested in social psychology

(BSc & MSc in Social Psychology, Statistics and Research Methodology)

E-mail: amabdinasir


1. Ali, E., & Jones, C. (2000). Meeting the Educational Needs of Somali Pupils in Camden Schools.London: Camden Council, Institute of Education University of London.

2. APPG. (2012). Ethnic Minority Female Unemployment: Black, Pakistani and Bangladeshi Heritage Women. London: Runnymede.

3. Atfield, G., & Bloch, A. (2002). The Professional Capacity of Nationals from the Somali Regions in Britain. London: Goldsmith’s College.

4. Bigelow, M. (2008). Somali Adolescents’ Negotiation of Religious and Racial Bias In and Out of School. Theory Into Practice, 47, 27-34.

5. Demie, F., McLean, C., & Lewis, K. (2008). RAISING ACHIEVEMENT OF SOMALI PUPILS: Good Practice in London Schools. London: Lambeth Research and Statistics Unit.

6. DfCLG. (2011). race, Religion and Equalities: A report on the 2009-10 Citizenship Survey. London: Department for Communities and Local Government

7. DFES. (2006). Ethnicity and Education: The Evidence on Minority Ethnic Pupils aged 5-16. London: Department For Education and Skills

8. Harris, H. (2004). The Somali Community in the UK: What We Know and How We Know It. London: The Information Centre about Asylum and Refugees in the UK (ICAR), International Policy Institute, King’s College London. Retrieved 01 22, 2012, from

9. Klonoff, E., & Landrine, H. (1999). Cross-Validation of the Schedule of Racist Events. Journal of Black Psychology, 25(2), 231-254.

10. Kuyok, A. K. (2010). Classification of Horn of Africa school children: is it appropriate for the educational authorities in England to refer to them as refugees? Intercultural Education, 21(1), 67–78.

11. Mohamoud, A. O. (2011). Growing Up Somali in Britain: The experience of a group of young Somali men and women coming of age in London. London: Institute of Education, University of London.

12. Office for National Statistics. (December, 2012). Ethnicity and National Identity in England and Wales 2011. London: ONS.

13. Rasmussen, J. (2009). Education of Somali Students in London: Challenges and Strategies. London: Foundation for International Education.

14. Rees, C. (2009). Raising the Achievement of Somali Pupils in Ealing. London: Ealing Local Authority.

15. The Change Institute. (2009). The Somali Muslim Community in England. London: Communities and Local Government.

16. The Economist. (2013, 8 17). The Economist. Retrieved from The Economist:

17. Tower Hamlets Council. (n.d). Tower Hamplets Race Equality Scheme 2009-2012. Unpublished Apendix.

Examining the impact of mental illness stigma on asylum seekers in the UK: an informed advocacy approach for social workers

Nassir Hassan- July 2015


This secondary research argues that asylum seekers with mental health problems are some of the most ‘socially excluded’ groups in the UK and mental health social work with these groups necessitates urgent attention, this is because the current social work practice in relation to asylum seekers, failed asylum seekers in particular is inadequate. six key themes are discussed in this study, these are; stigma, media depiction and heathcare, poverty and the effects of UK’s immigration policies such as detention and dispersal policies and how they impact and contribute to asylum seeker’s mental distress. A significant finding of the literature review is that a different type of social exclusion of asylum seekers exists, for example, social and structural stigma. Overall, only a small number of social work literatures I identified have addressed the impact of stigma on the mental health of asylum seekers. Psychology and psychiatric literature addressed the subject in more detail and this is an issue that will be critically discussed in this paper.

Chapter 1 – Introduction


Asylum seekers with mental health problems are some of the most ‘socially excluded’ groups in the UK (Liewellyn et al., 2008, p.9) and mental illness stigma among other problems are in many ways ‘the most important challenges they and service providers face’ (Crisp, 2004, p.13) This secondary research study will explore the stigma perception and experiences of asylum seekers who have a mental health problem. The research will also attempt to spell out the implications for asylum seekers if they need medical, social work or other support. It will do so by reviewing current literature regarding the mental health of these groups. Factors exacerbating the vulnerability of these groups to mental illness, and ‘compounding social and legal factors will also be discussed’ (Craig et al., 2010)

Personal experience of working with asylum seekers, and witnessing the impact stigma and social exclusion can have on their lives, is the reason why stigma related to mental health, was chosen as the topic of research. I have worked with asylum seekers for a number of years, at a community centre, which provides temporary accommodation and hot meals for failed asylum seekers. I have built great rapport with them and developed a deep understanding of the day to day problems they face. As a result of these experiences, I decided to write about social and legal issues faced by asylum seekers living in the UK, particularly, social factors that may be contributing factor to their mental health problems as well as those arising from their experiences of government’s immigration policies. The topic is also relevant to social work practice as actions to address social exclusion, promote social justice and reduce stigma are integral to social work values, because social justice is a key social work values. (Thompson, 2000) In addition, this study will examine whether the impact of immigration policies is enabling or disabling them. This dissertation will also consider how social work (both statutory and non-statutory) should respond to the needs of asylum seekers.

This study consists of seven main chapters, the first chapter introduces (as discussed already) the topic. The second chapter is a literature review; this section explores the main dominant themes of the research, it is further divided into two parts, the first part discusses the social factors that contribute the mental health problems of asylum seekers. These are; stigma, media depiction, and healthcare. The second part looks at poverty and the effects of UK’s immigration policies such as detention and dispersal policies and how they impact and contribute to asylum seeker’s mental distress. The third chapter outlines the research methodology of the dissertation, the purpose of this chapter is to describe how I undertook the research and the procedure I used to analyse the data I collected including definitions of key terms and inclusion and exclusion criteria. The fourth chapter presents the analysis and findings of the literature review. The fifth chapter looks at the implications and lessons for social work. Learning I gained from undertaking this study will be presented in chapter six. And finally, the final chapter will summarise and conclude the study.

Chapter 2 – Literature Review

The aims and objectives of this literature review is to provide some understanding of the stigma felt by asylum seekers with mental health problems and to find out the factors that contribute to their mental health problems. Review of the literature carried out showed that ‘the evidence base for good practice in social care for refugee and asylum seekers is not robust’ (SCIE, 2010, p.1) limited work has also looked specifically at the issue of accessing appropriate mental health support for failed asylum seekers’. There is a particular ‘dearth of empirical’ research in social literature that focuses on this issue (McKenzie et al., 2007) There is a significant gap in the social work literature in relation to addressing the needs and the impact of immigration policies on the mental health of asylum seekers, failed asylum seekers in particular. Similarly, as Masocha and Simpson spelled out, there is a growing evidence of the ‘differential treatment’ received by asylum seekers ‘within mainstream welfare services’ (Masocha & Simpson, 2011, p.432, Chantler, 2012, p.322). Therefore, through examination and analysis of current relevant literature, this literature review intends to establish factors that contribute to the poor mental state of asylum seekers. It does so by discussing research themes identified when I was collecting relevant data for my chosen topic.

It was a difficult decision for me to decide which issues (themes) are important for asylum seekers, due to the criteria for this project (which is secondary research) which meant I would not be personally meeting asylum seekers. However, my personal experience of working with these groups, which I have briefly mentioned in the introduction chapter have naturally highlighted some of the main issues and problems that affect them. Although I will give a broad overview of all the themes that came up during the data collection in my methodology chapter, I intend to discuss the following themes specifically; first I will discuss the social factors that contribute to the mental distress of asylum seekers, these are; stigma/labelling and media depiction. Then, I will discuss four key themes that came up during the early stages of the research, and I then will explore the mental health implications of each: these are; poverty, access to health care, detention and dispersal policies. I will also consider different responses from both statutory and voluntary sector providers of social services. And finally, I will explore how social workers can empower asylum seekers through positive campaigning and advocacy. All these issues will be discussed in the order they are mentioned.

Social factors that contribute mental health illness:


There is debate about the definition of stigma and none of the theoretical frameworks to be discussed should be seen as definitive. It is necessary here to illuminate exactly what is meant by stigma. There is a degree of uncertainty around the definition of ‘stigma’. Scholars provide no clear definition and seem to refer stigma as “being marked or branded” a term frequently used in the literature (Corrigan & Watson, 2012). Although there is a clear difference of opinion in the literature, there appears to be some agreement that the term “stigma” refers to ‘invisible traits that result in a person being discriminated against by society’ (Bates et al., 2013, pp.569–75) from a psychological viewpoint, stigma refers to negative and discriminatory attitudes towards those who have a mental health condition (ibid)

Modern concept of stigma is linked to sociological and psychological theoretical traditions; it is commonly attributed to Erving Goffman (1963) who is widely credited for his explanation of the concept of stigma. Goffman, proposed that an individual associated with a stigmatized condition such as mental illness, progresses from “normal” to “deeply discredited” in the community (Goffman, 1963, pp.3-4). While a number of different definitions exist in the literature, ‘a very common one is that of an attribute that is deeply discrediting and reduces the bearer from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one’ (Goffman, 1963, p.3)

From a Social Work perspective, building from Goffman’s initial idea, Dudley (2000) defines stigma as ‘stereotypes or negative views attributed to a person or groups of people when their characteristics or behaviours are viewed as different from or inferior to societal norms’. Therefore, Dudley’s definition provides an ‘excellent stance from which to develop an understanding of mental health stigma’ (Dudley, 2000, p.449) A number of different schools of thought has contributed to the understanding of how social stigma operates in society; however, Social Work has offered ‘limited contributions’ to this area. (Ahmedani, 2011, p.414). This is an area where Social workers need to develop a ‘broad social view of mental health problems, especially in respect to concerns about stigma, labelling and other discriminatory practices’, that could affect not only asylum seekers with mental health problems, but also other service users they intend to empower (Davies, 2012)

From a sociological perspective, Link and Phelan (2001) developed a conceptual theory which suggests that ‘stigma exists when the following interrelated components converge’. First, they argue that society ‘distinguish and label human differences’. In the second component, they argue that ‘dominant cultural norms, link labelled individual with negative stereotypes’ – i.e. labelling a Muslim person as a terrorist, or labelling depressed individuals as ‘mad’ person. (Link, 2001, p.25) The third components states that, ‘labelled individuals are placed in distinct categories so as to accomplish some degree of separation of ‘us’ from ‘them’. And finally, the labelled individual experiences ‘status loss and discrimination that leads to unequal outcomes’. (Link, 2001, p.363). Therefore, in most societies, many human differences may be ignored and therefore may be socially irrelevant, for example, one’s hair colour, or food preferences, but other differences such as, one’s racial background, health condition such as mental illness and HIV AIDS are socially noticeable. Therefore, there is a ‘social selection’ of human differences when it comes to identifying differences that will matter socially’ (Link & Phelan, 2005). Link and Phelan’s model indicate that it is easier to discriminate against vulnerable groups such as asylum seekers, and that ‘stigma can exist at a number of levels in society’ such as public, and structural levels (ibid).

The impact of social stigma is profound, asylum seekers with mental health problems often delay seeking support for fear of social consequences. For example, refused asylum seekers and those with children, in particular, may be unwilling to pursue the support they and their children may be entitled to under section 17 of the Children Act 1989 ‘for fear of being separated from their children.’ (Nottingham Citizens, 2012) But, most importantly, structural stigma (i.e. the stigma that is part of government policy) ‘presents additional large-scale barriers to mental care of asylum seekers by undermining opportunities for them to seek help.’ (Chantler, 2012, p.429) For example, Section 9 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2004 clearly states that the Government can withdraw support from failed asylum seekers, even those with dependent children ‘if they cannot explain why they have not taken any reasonable steps to leave the UK voluntarily’ (, 2004) This clearly indicates that the UK’s asylum policy prioritises immigration control over its humanitarian obligations.

Addressing social stigma is compatible with social work values; therefore, social workers need to actively address social stigma, and stereotyping faced by asylum seekers. Studies have shown that asylum seekers seem to be more vulnerable to poor mental health problems than the general population, stigma, discrimination and labelling are thought to be a major contributing factor (Aspinall & Watters, 2010, p.16). Therefore, addressing stigma and stereotyping are central to understanding their mental health problems. When I searched the term “mental health stigma on asylum seekers” on Google the results shown were mainly psychiatric and psychological literature. There was very little social work literature on these issues. ‘Social workers have historically had a major role to play in delivering services to people with mental health problems’ but, they also need to lead the field in mental health literature on asylum seekers.

Asylum seekers often demonstrate a lack of understanding of the UK healthcare system and thus ‘face distinctive barriers’ to accessing healthcare. Therefore, asylum seekers would benefit from the provision of information about mental health care service. (ibid). While the importance of social worker’s role in managing risk, addressing oppression and working with people with health and social needs is widely acknowledged, (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006) social workers do not yet have a visible presence in the area of mental health literature that addresses mental health stigma, and many of the ‘developing interventions and research literature is evolving out of other fields’ i.e. psychology and psychiatry (Corrigan et al., 2014)

The principal perspective for understanding mental health illness is the bio-medical model and this means that social factors such as stigma, and labeling ‘may not be given the weight they deserve in understanding’ how the mental health of asylum seekers affected by these factors. (Masocha & Simpson, 2011, p.429, Chantler, 2012) The bio-medical model attributes, mental health problems to ‘physiological, biochemical or genetic causes and attempts to treat these disorders by way of medically grounded procedure such as drug and other medical treatments’ (Bates et al., 2013).

In contrast, Scheff (1966) proposes a sociological model for understanding mental illness, which is a complete opposite of the medical model. Sociological model views mental illness as ‘a label attached to persons who engage in certain types of deviant behaviour’ (Shaw & Tablin, 2007) this seems to create problems, when mental health professionals approach mental illness from this perspective. Because many asylum seekers tend to view their mental illness differently (Mind, A civilised society, 2009), and as discussed earlier in this paper, most of the literature that informs social work practice regarding asylum seekers with mental health problems comes from other fields, and the Social Work literature seems to ‘lack coherent theoretical and policy frameworks to inform effective social work models of service delivery’ (Masocha & Simpson, 2011a, p.429). Therefore, a critical opportunity exists for the Social work profession to catch up if it is to achieve one of its key values, which is ‘upholding and promoting human dignity and well-being’ (BASW, 2015, p.8)

The role of media

The media coverage of asylum seekers is mostly negative (with the exception of the independent and the guardian). The Tabloid press in particular, often fails to correctly differentiate between economic immigrants and asylum seekers. They tend to portray asylum seekers as bogus and illegal and employ ‘inaccuracy statistics and groundless claims’ such as asylum seekers are here to get handouts from the state (Smart et al., 2007, p.144). Similarly, the mass media are also a very significant source of public attitude towards asylum seekers. For example, the British public seemed to have contradictory views about the asylum seekers. A research carried out in 2008 found while 89% believed giving refuge to asylum seekers is an ‘important British values’, 90% were concerned about ‘abuses in the system’ and 71% thought that Britain is taking in too many asylum seekers. (Asylum and Destitution Working Group, 2008, p.95). Another study investigating print media coverage of asylum seekers, over ‘ten week period’ found that overall a ‘small number of articles described asylum seekers in terms that are unsympathetic, inflammatory and contained ‘inaccuracies, including misuse of statistics, and groundless claims’ (Smart et al., 2007, p.144). The study further suggests that while the articles that demonises asylum seekers are small in number, their impact on asylum seekers is far reaching, because these small articles are ‘likely to be having an impact on sections of public opinion’(ibid)

Access to health care

Asylum seekers are eligible to register with a GP, and GP surgeries have discretion to accept failed asylum seekers. However, unlike refugees, asylum seekers have limited access to secondary healthcare services due to their immigration status. Primary care is free to both asylum seekers and failed asylum seekers, however an HC2 (Health Costs 2) document is needed for exemption from prescription charges. To get an HC2 document, one needs to fill a complex form and provide proof of address and identification. Failed Asylum Seekers are unable to provide such documents, and therefore are unable to access the health services. (Allsopp et al., 2014). (Project London, 2010)

With regards to secondary healthcare, asylum seekers are exempt from paying charges; while failed asylum seekers are not, unless they are suffering from certain ‘infectious diseases and treatment in the accident and emergency department’ (Department of health, 2007, p.27). A research carried out by Aspinall (2006) found that there were difficulties for asylum seekers accessing healthcare due to lack of documentation, language barriers, but most importantly, ‘lack of awareness of entitlements by both GPs, other professionals and asylum seekers themselves’. (Aspinall, 2006, p.88). O’Donnel et all (2007) has carried out a small study in Glasgow which consisted of 36 asylum seekers. He found that, navigating through the healthcare system was a major barrier for those asylum seekers, however, once asylum seekers ‘saw a GP or other health professionals, their experiences were mostly positive’. (O’Donnell et al., 2007, p.1-11).

Under section 47 of NHS and Community care act 1990, asylum seekers who appear to be in need of community care services, are eligible for a community care assessment. (, 1990) However, their needs cannot be simply due to hardship, ‘they must be destitute plus’ that is having a serious need for care ‘that is over and above the mere lack of accommodation and subsistence’ (NRPF, 2006, p.4) those who meet section 47 criteria, may be entitled to support under section 21 of National Assistance Act 1948. (, 1948) If an asylum seeker with mental health problems is detained under the Mental Health Act 1983, he or she is ‘eligible for treatment’ under section 117 of the said Act. However, under Schedule 3 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, failed asylum seekers ‘are not entitled’ to such support, unless they apply for asylum ‘as soon as reasonably practicable’ after the person’s arrival in the UK (, 2002,, 2006, p.4). It is claimed that providing community care services to asylum seekers is ‘complex, confusing and inconsistent’ this is because, there appears to be ‘a conflict of responsibility between the local authority and other organisations’ that provide assistance to asylum seekers (, 2007). It is clear in the literature that support is available to both asylum seekers and failed asylum seekers, however, they are having difficulty accessing such support and as a result of this, their health needs are not met. (ibid) In summary, ‘it is clear that asylum seekers more likely to have complex mental health needs that are less likely to be met appropriately’ (SCIE, 2010, p.35)


Having examined how social and structural stigma contributes the mental health problems of asylum seekers, the paper will now address poverty as another social factor that contribute to asylum seeker’s mental health problems and will link it to UK government’s immigration policy. According to the ‘social model of disability, which recognises the role of disabling environments ascontributory factors, poverty has been widely recognised as a risk factor for mental illness’ (Chantler, 2012, p.322) the possibility that ‘mental health problems may stem from social injustice, poverty and oppression is not widely recognized’ (SCIE, 2010). However, there is ‘reasonable agreement that, whilst links between poverty and mental illness cannot be determined, poverty is a risk factor in the onset of mental health problems’ (Chantler, 2012, p.322) This study found that poverty amongst asylum seekers have ‘multiple causes, one of which is the asylum policy itself, and that poverty impacts negatively on health, personal and family relations and access to vital support networks’ (Allsopp et al., 2014, p.6)

Social work has been slow to respond to the needs of asylum seekers, particularly those with mental health issues. Morag Gillespie’s research on asylum seekers in Scotland has shown that the 811 respondents she studied between 2009- 12 ‘only two received any social work support’. (Gillespie, 2012, p.15) The studies further revealed that ‘that every stage of the asylum processes’, asylum seekers experienced delays in getting ‘entitlement to benefits and as a result were ‘living in various stages of destitution’. Therefore, in addition to social and structural stigma, poverty should also be given ‘due consideration in any plausible explanation of the high incidence’ of mental illness within the asylum seekers (Masocha & Simpson, 2011a, p.426)

With regard to the link between poverty and immigration policies, Chantler (2012) argues that ‘enforced poverty is a central feature of the UK’s asylum policy’ because it ‘replicates known risk factors in the onset of mental distress’ (Chantler, 2012, Shaw & Tablin, 2007, p.360). Therefore, poverty should also be seen as a ‘structural problems’. There is no doubt that social work is facing challenging times, however, as Stepney (2006) points out, there are ‘good reasons why social workers should be willing and able to tackle poverty and its effects’ on service users including both asylum seekers and refused asylum seekers. One way of achieving this is by ‘demonstrating the ability to interpret and use current legislation and guidance to protect and/or advance asylum seekers rights and entitlements’ (TCSW, 2015, p.28).

Immigration policy:


At any given time in the UK, an estimated ‘3000 individuals’ are held in detention centres for immigration purposes (Association of Visitors to Immigration Detainees, AVID, 2011), these figures call into question whether the use of ‘detention is in compliance with international human rights law’ (Masocha & Simpson, 2011a, p.433) The government claims that it is necessary to ‘detained’ asylum seekers as ‘it cuts the risk of them absconding’ (ibid). However, research by ICAR (Information Centre about Asylum and Refugees) found that rather than absconding, the majority of asylum seekers released complied with the bail conditions. (, 2007) However, the situations of those who abscond are even more alarming; this is because many of them tend to hide from the authorities and therefore are unlikely to seek social work support. Humphries (2004) argues that ‘social workers have unquestioningly accepted the role of gatekeeper to services, and function as an arm of immigration services, reporting failed asylum seekers to authorities rather than providing them with support.’ (Humphries, 2004) such roles are contrary to the values, ethics, and principles of Social Work.

It is difficult to determine the impact detention has on the mental health of asylum seekers due to the difficulties of obtaining access to detainees (Robjant et al., 2009). Although this area is under research, due to researcher’s inability to get access, existing research shows that detention has a ‘negative impact’ on asylum seekers and detained asylum seekers tend to be more vulnerable to mental distress, particularly depression, anxiety and PTSD, in comparison to ‘non-detained asylum seekers’. (Chantler, 2012, p.330). Cohen (2008) found that rates of ‘self-harm and suicide’ amongst detained asylum seekers are ‘significantly higher amongst immigration detainees than amongst the prison population in the UK’ (Cohen, 2008, p.235) and this clearly shows the impact detention policy has on the mental health of asylum seekers. Masocha & Simpson, (2011) argue that, although cases of violence protests by asylum seekers in detention are well ‘discussed’ in the media, other issues associated with mental illness are never ‘reported and discussed in public’. (Masocha & Simpson, 2011a, p.433). For example, ‘attempted suicide, self-harm, depression and paranoia’ to mention but a few, are all contributing factors of mental illness, however, there is no clear-cut ‘information available as to their prevalence’ amongst detained asylum seekers. (ibid) Therefore, the mental health implications of detention of asylum seekers are ‘certainly of special interest’ to mental health social work. (ibid)

The coalition Government implemented a new immigration bill in 2014. This new Bill is so restrictive; it will likely have far reaching consequence on asylum seekers, particularly failed asylum seekers. The Immigration Act 2014 appears to restrict ‘most grounds of appeal for immigration decisions, turn landlords into immigration police and extend charges for NHS care’ (Roberts & Lister, 20147). From a social justice and a Human Rights perspective, this new law could be problematic, particularly with regards to access to health care for asylum seekers, because as Masocha (2014) argues ‘charging healthcare services means that failed asylum seekers, without the means to pay for GP services will not be seen, resulting in negative health outcomes which may have serious implications for public health. (Masocha, 2015, p.347)

Dispersal policy

Much has been written about the negative effects of dispersal policy on Asylum seekers, and whether this policy contributes to the mental health problems of these groups is widely contested in the literature (Phillimore, 2011). Some studies carried out soon after the dispersal policy was implemented, claimed that it ‘exacerbated poverty and dependency by cutting asylum seekers off from existing support networks’ studies also suggested that it violates human rights (Allsopp et al., 2014), although few have explored its impact on mental illness, there is a body of evidence which indicate that it ‘generates stress’ which in turn contributes to the causes of mental illness amongst these groups (Phillimore, 2011, p.28). Hayes and Humphries (2006) argue that “it is often the most vulnerable that this policy affects most” for example, separating asylum seekers from existing support networks Humphries (2006, p: 44).

Over the past nine years, the UK’s immigration policy has undergone a number of reviews and reforms and has focused on greater control of migration to the country. Some of these policy changes have affected health care services, particularly within mental health. (Bacon et al., 2010) a research carried out by mental health charity MIND has argued that Government’s restrictive immigration policies such as dispersal policy…..are ‘functioning to socially exclude and marginalize asylum-seekers and this is a contributing factor in exacerbating existing mental health problems and causing further mental distress’. (Mind, A civilised society, 2009 , p.2) The government claims that this policy is designed to support asylum seekers through the UK border Agency (UKBA) and to move them to suitable accommodation away from the Southeast of England. The home office argues that dispersal policy is actually voluntary and asylum seekers can opt out of obtaining accommodation by staying with friends and families. However, if an asylum seeker is destitute, dispersal is the only means of obtaining accommodation. (Hynes, 2011, p.2).

Chantler (2012) argues that the establishment of UKBA ‘seemed to have wrongly reinforced the view that asylum seekers are being supported and therefore do not require social work intervention’ (Chantler, 2012, p.321), Humphries (2004) argues that social workers seemed to have accepted this idea. (Humphries, 2004) Therefore, Enforced poverty, social isolation and compulsory dispersal policy alongside uncertainty about the future, are serious ‘post-migratory stressors that do not appear to be well articulated in the social work literature on mental health’ (Chantler, 2012, p.331)

Social work response

Being and asylum seeker does not necessarily cause an ‘automatic response from local authority statutory services’. Therefore, anyone undertaking an investigation to social work’s response to asylum seekers has to be aware of the context in which social work provision is provided (Fell & Fell, 2014, p.1325). Masocha (2011) has carried out a study in which its objective was to explore how social workers defend their practice. Although on a small scale, the study found that social workers employ different tactics to defend their practice. The study is concerned about the way social workers justify their practice with regard to ‘areas where expectations are perceived as not having been met by practice’ (Masocha, 2011b, p.1624) for example, discharging their duty with regards to assisting asylum seekers with no recourse to public funds. Most of the participants the researcher interviewed recognised that ‘in terms of service provision, a lot more could and should be done for asylum seekers.’ Furthermore, resource constraints, eligibility criteria were identified as limiting what statutory social workers could do for asylum seekers (Masocha, 2011b).

One of the responses, respondents, has given about supporting asylum seekers is that the law restricts their ability to discharge their obligation. ‘The existing legislation is blamed for making it difficult for social workers to work effectively’ with asylum seeking service users. (Masocha, 2013, p.246). The responses were given by social work respondents portrayed as though the system is ‘forcing them to engage with asylum seekers at a superficial level.'(ibid). Therefore, respondent’s recognition of ‘such gaps in service provision in the social work profession, implies a level of blameworthiness’ (ibid).

The ethical duty to assist asylum seekers is enshrined in the profession’s ethics and values. (BASW, 2015) Therefore, it is the social worker’s onus to ensure that asylum seekers, are empowered, and enabled and provided services that they are entitled to. Masocha (2011b) argues the fact that respondents admitted that asylum seekers are not getting service provision, ‘creates moral and ethical dilemmas for social workers’. (Masocha, 2011b, p.1626). Kohli (2008) argues that social work is being ‘excluded or is excluding itself from effective political and professional engagement with asylum seekers’ (Kohli, 2008, p.165). However, it is worth noting that statutory social work possesses the necessary skills to respond to asylum seekers needs, but they can only discharge their duty up to the point the current government legislation permits.

There are many other positive ways that Social work can respond to support asylum seekers. Rather than be seen as government gate keepers, statutory social workers should focus on challenging social as well as structural stigma, social exclusion, and challenging unjust legislation such as section 9 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. This can be done through ‘campaigning, contributing to the debate on social rights, and to influence social policy’ (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006, p.95). The profession’s concepts of anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice ‘on their own are not enough as a basis for understanding and countering prevailing racist policy frameworks for asylum seekers’ (Masocha, 2013) instead, social workers should campaign for better treatment for asylum seekers, they should also speak out against human rights violations and forced detention. In addition, social workers need to be mindful of discriminatory policy frameworks that are ‘constructed to oppress and exclude’ asylum seekers. (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006, p.23). The social work code of ethics is clear about human rights. The code of ethics of British Association of Social workers requires social workers ‘to seek to change social structure which perpetuates inequalities and injustice’ (BASW, 2002, Section 3.2.2d, cited in Dalrymple & Burke, 2006). One way of achieving this could be utilising the new College of Social Work’s Task Force recommendation, which demands the profession to have ‘clear independent voice that will be heard in policy development’ (Social Work Task Force, 2009).

On the other hand, non statutory social work response to the need of asylum seekers is generally positive, although what they can provide for asylum seekers is very limited compared to what statutory social work could provide. For example, the Refugee Council and other agencies responded well to the need of asylum seekers by providing them with free advice and information. They also provide therapeutic service and hardship support for destitute asylum seekers. But most importantly, they are always campaigning, and challenging government legislation and pushing for changes to improve the lives of asylum seekers. (Refugee Council, 2014) Indeed, the third sector agencies, many of whom employ qualified social workers provide vital support of a different kind to asylum seekers (Fell, 2013) similarly, faith-based organisations have also responded well by offering ‘drop-ins, advice, and refreshments’ for asylum seekers. (Fell & Fell, 2014, p.1326). Voluntary agencies do not only respond and provide what they can to asylum seekers, but unlike statutory social work, they do not collude with immigration controls. (ibdi)


Advocacy simply means, ‘speaking up for oneself or others’ (Atkinson, 1999, p.2). Advocacy has been described as being ‘at the heart of social work (Dalrymple & Boylan, 2013, p.1) It is also a good method of speaking up on behalf of individuals and vulnerable groups within ‘legal power and political structure’ (ibdi). ‘It involves either an individual or group, pressing their case with influential others’ (Forbat & Atkinson, 2005, p.322). In this context, social work advocacy, is not only to represent the views of asylum seekers, but also to empower and enable them to speak for themselves. This can be done in two ways, an individual level and a policy (system) level. An individual advocacy level, might involve ‘representation in crisis situations’ (Masocha & Simpson, 2011a, p.437) for example, assisting destitute failed asylum seekers access the healthcare system, or making a case on their behalf and encourage them to express their views. This approach should be integral part of every social worker’s role and they should not feel ‘discouraged from using advocacy skills within their work’ (ibd). However, it is worth noting that advocating for asylum seekers whose asylum claim has been rejected ‘places social work advocates in a position in which they may not be able to assist their clients entirely through their own efforts’ (Fell & Fell, 2014, p.1334). Because statutory social workers are constrained by government policies and legislation, their role as an advocate may not empowering service users, In this case, an independent advocate would be preferred option. ‘An independent advocate only promotes the view of the service user, irrespective of other consideration’ (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006, p.252).

On the other hand, at the policy level, social work as a professional body can and should advocate ‘for policy change and social justice for asylum seekers’ (Refugee Council, 2014). This can be achieved by effectively challenging the oppressive and discriminatory immigration policies, and working with other none statutory agencies in campaigns to influence decisions affecting asylum seekers. Practitioners working with asylum seekers should embrace anti-oppressive advocacy, as a means of addressing the unmet needs of asylum seekers. Anti-oppressive practice ‘is based on a belief that social work should make a difference’ to oppressed and vulnerable service user’ lives… to do this, ‘social workers have to be political, reflective, reflexive’ and committed to challenge the status quo and to promote change’ (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006, p.48).

In conclusion, the reviewed literature has highlighted how social factors such as stigma, labelling and stereotyping as well as media depiction impact the mental health and the wellbeing of asylum seekers. The literature review also pointed out that Social worker’s role in managing risk, addressing oppression and working with people with health and social needs is widely acknowledged, (Dalrymple & Burke, 2006) However, social work do not yet have a visible presence in the area of mental health literature that addresses stigma, and many of the ‘developing interventions and research literature is evolving out of other fields’ i.e. psychology and psychiatry. The review also highlighted how government’s immigration polices not only oppress asylum seekers but also restrict statutory social worker’s ability to discharge their duty in assisting asylum seekers. And finally, the paper discussed statutorily and none statutory social work’s response with regard to meeting the unmet needs of asylum seekers and the role they could play in advocating on their behalf.

Chapter 3 – Methodology

This chapter will describe my methodological approach to the literature review. I will also include the definition of key terms, themes I have selected for my study and those I have excluded. The chapter will also describe data collection procedures and theoretical perspectives.

To start with, I defined the key terms stated in my research topic: Examining the impact of mental illness stigma on asylum seekers in the UK: an informed advocacy approach for social workers. TheWorld Health Organization (WHO) defines mental health ‘a state of well-being in which every individual realises his or her own potential’ (WHO, 2014). Dudley (2000) defines stigma as ‘stereotypes or negative views attributed to a person or groups of people when their characteristics or behaviours are viewed as different from or inferior to societal norms’ (Dudley, 2000, p.449)with regard to asylum seekers, an asylum seeker is someone who has ‘applied for asylum and is waiting for a decision as to whether or not they are a refugee’. (WHO, 2014)

The research design for this dissertation is secondary rather than primary research, as this would limit potential ethical concerns that may have resulted from exploring mental illness through a primary research method. It is also the least intrusive way of collecting the necessary information needed for this research. The method chosen to explore the topic is by literature review, ‘which allows the necessary freedom of exploration,’ (Cross & MacGregor, 2010, pp.593-1600) In addition, doing secondary research has many benefits; It allows the opportunity to access good quality data from the comfort of your home. This type of research method is also cost effective compared to undertaking research through a primary method. Having said that, one needs to be aware of the limitations the secondary data may have and the problems that could arise if these limitations are ignored. For example, the data collected may not be accurate, some of the data may be bias therefore objectivity and the potential influence of researchers must be noted and the source of the data must always be checked. (Brayman, 2008)

Data Collection

The method of data collection was based on qualitative accounts gathered from various sources. Data was obtained from the University library and other online sources. An extensive search was conducted during 2014/15 academic year using different sources. The sources of the material I have used for my study are the following: Academic Search Complete, Jstor, PsycInfo, Wesley Online Library, NHS reports, Local authority reports, and British journal of social work. I have also used books and journals obtained from my local libraries, topics relating mental health in general and mental health stigma in particular were explored in detail. Search terms used include; mental illness stigma, mental disorder, mental health of seekers, and the impact of immigration policies on asylum seekers. Other sources such websites were examined for relevant data, for example, data collected from mental health charity (MIND) and The Social Care Institute for Excellence (scie) was used for this study. Special consideration was given to reliability of the materials collected as well as the objectivity of the researchers. Conflict of interests is said to ‘obscure more than enlighten a research area’ (Brayman, 2008, p.526) therefore, the material collected was rigorously scrutinised, in order to obtain a diverse data and views about mental health illness. As suggested by Avyard, (2007) I used inclusion and exclusion criteria for my research, many terms and materials were included others were excluded from the search results. For example, the inclusion criteria were

  • Literature published within the last ten years ( this was study dissertation criteria)
  • Research carried out in the UK (so as to be relevant to the research topic)
  • Literature on mental health stigma (in order to link stigma with mental health problems of asylum seekers)
  • Literature on asylum seekers (so as not to deviate the aims of the topic)
  • Both published and grey literature (so as to check and compare the integrity of all data)

Exclusion list

  • Research carried out outside UK ( I am only interested asylum seekers in the UK)
  • Literature on refugees (as they have the same right as a UK citizen)
  • Research carried out before 2005 ( this is one of the criteria for conducting secondary research)

Themes included

  • Stigma/labelling, media depiction, poverty, healthcare, detention and dispersal policies.

I chose these themes as these are the areas I was most interested in during my voluntary work with asylum seekers.

Themes excluded

  • Racial discrimination, this is a very important issue, however, this is something all immigrants face and therefore, not specific to asylum seekers.
  • Immigrants from Europe ( as they do not face the restriction as asylum seekers)

Ethical consideration

There are many ethical challenges that have implications for conducting secondary research, such as the issue of confidentiality, and ‘informed consent’ these issues arose during the early stages of my research. Heaton (1998) notes that ‘informed consent cannot be presumed in secondary analysis, and that the researcher cannot rely on any vagueness of the initial consent….’ (Heaton, 1998, p.25) Therefor, as both Heaton (1998) and Thorne (1998) suggest, ‘a professional judgement may have to be made about whether the re-use of data violates the contract made between participants and the primary researchers’ (Thorne, 1998, p.547). Obtaining consent from the authors and participants of the secondary literature I have collected became a daunting task; this is due to the fact that I was unlikely to meet the authors and the participants’ concern. Therefore, I came to the conclusions that, as there is no people involved in my research, no ethical approval is required from the University; however, I am aware that there is still an ethical consideration that needs to be addressed in any research. For example, acknowledging other people’s written work, making my research as subjective as possible, and avoiding bias and dishonesty. In addition, the

Data Analysis

Heaton (1998) describes secondary data analysis as ‘the use of existing data collected for the purposes of a prior study, in order to pursue a research interest which is distinct from that of the original work (Heaton, 1998, p.1) Thus, It is important that once data has been collected a process must be in place to examine each component of the data collected. Therefore, thematic analysis (TA) was used as a tool to examine selected data, in order to identify and analyse patterns in the literature. The thematic process is essentially a method for categorizing and examining patterns in qualitative data (Clarke & and Braun, 2013, p.122) in order to identify themes which are considered to be of interest. For example, the number of times a certain term has been appeared in the literature, i.e. mental illness, or stigma, or discrimination. Any method of analysis should be driven by relevant theory, TA is said to be theoretically flexible approach and does not require ‘adherence to any particular theory’ (ibid) as it can ‘bridge ideas between theory and social construction’ and allows researchers to employ a mixture of varied data sources (Boyatzis, 1998, p.40) therefore, TA analysis corresponds with the topic I set out to investigate.

TA is also a useful tool in analysing secondary data. As Clarke & and Braun (2013) suggest, my preliminary analysis involved familiarising myself with the materials collected, reading and re-reading and ‘noting any initial analytic observations’ (Clarke & and Braun, 2013, p.122) following this, the data collected was sorted and categorized to summarise and synthesize data. Data analysis was based on an ‘inductive approach’ in order to identify themes and patterns in the data ‘by means of thematic analysis’ (Bowen, 2005) therefore, a bottom-up approach was employed whereby analysis was ‘data driven’ instead of ‘theoretical thematic analysis’ which tend to be driven by the researcher’s analytic preconceptions. (Clarke & and Braun, 2013). Coding was utilised to identify any patterns and themes that require further investigation. This involves ‘generating pithy labels for important features of the data of relevance to the research question guiding the analysis’ (Clarke & and Braun, 2013, p.12). This procedure was applied across all of the data collected.

Chapter 4 –Findings and discussion

Through analysis of the literature, two main themes (social and structural factors) were identified in relation to factors that contribute the mental health problems of asylum seekers and barriers they face when accessing social care support. From the two main themes, some sub-themes were also derived. In this chapter, I will discuss these themes, but first I will present a summary of key findings.

Key findings

  • A significant finding of the literature review is that a different type of social exclusion of asylum seekers exists, for example, social and structural stigma. Overall, only a small number of social work literatures I identified have addressed the impact of stigma on the mental health of asylum seekers. Psychology and psychiatric literature addressed the subject in more detail (Corrigan et al., 2014). Social work has offered a limited contribution to this area. The findings from the literature review revealed that asylum seekers have complex and interlinked needs, and face social and structural barriers that contribute to their mental health problems, and this prevents them from seeking their social care needs.
  • Failed asylum seekers avoid or delay to seek support for fear of being detained or fear of being separated from their families. The study confirms that media plays major role in perpetuating stigma in mental health, and its coverage of asylum seekers is also often negative.
  • There are major problems for failed asylum seekers accessing healthcare. Limited understanding of the healthcare system by asylum seekers, confusion of entitlement by healthcare professionals and legislation that restricts asylum seekers accessing the NHS, are identified to be major barriers. In addition, poverty and destitution seem to contribute to the mental health problems of asylum seekers.
  • Immigration policies such as detention and dispersal are major contributing factors of mental health problems of asylum seekers. Many asylum seekers with Post-traumatic stress disorder (PSTD) and mental health problems are being detained. Staturoy social work seemed to be silent on this issue, literature that raised awareness of this issues are mostly non statutory social work. (Mind, A civilised society, 2009 ) the study als found that poverty, social isolation, detention and compulsory dispersal policy alongside uncertainty about the future, ‘are serious post-migratory stressors that do not appear to be well articulated in the social work literature on mental health’ (Chantler, 2012, p.331)
  • The literature review also found that social worker’s role in responding asylum seekers needs, addressing oppression and working with people with mental health disorders is widely acknowledged. However, their ability to discharge their duty is restricted by government legislation, and as a result, they deploy linguistic strategies to defend their practice. And finally

The literature review revealed important themes that I believed contributed to the mental health problems of asylum seekers. The following section addresses each of these themes.


This research has discussed the factors that contribute to asylum seeker’s mental health problems by reviewing the current and past literature. Findings echo those of other research carried out on this issue, showing that many of the concerns raised about social and structural stigma, immigration policies, and access to effective health care and advocacy for asylum seekers are yet to be fully addressed. During analysis of the literature, particularly non-social work literature, stigma emerged as a strong theme. I believe non-social work literature appropriately addressed the impact of stigma on asylum seekers, an area I was expecting statutory social work to take the lead. Indeed, mental health stigma can ‘pervade’ the lives of asylum seekers in many different ways. According to Corrigan (2009) stigma “diminishes self-esteem and robs people of social opportunities Corrigan (2009, p.14)”. This can affect their ability to seek or get healthcare, employment or accommodation because of their illness. (ibid). Asylum seekers, particularly failed asylum seekers do not qualify statutory services from local authorities. This is because they do not meet the eligibility criteria for intervention that is, no severe and permanent mental illness, even though they clearly display pre and post migration stressors (Masocha, 2011b) the literature review revealed that the mental healthcare system is regularly failing asylum-seekers; in particular failed asylum seekers. There is a major barrier which makes it difficult for this group to access mental health.


The role of the media in spreading fear and hate against asylum seekers is another theme that came up during my research. The findings of the literature review suggest that media coverage and the public opinion they influence to reinforce the stereotypical perception of asylum seekers as economically motivated and dangerous (Smart et al., 2007). However, it is worth to note that while there is a consensus that some section of the media does stigmatise asylum seekers, the research by Smart et al., (2007) is limited in scope as the time scale of the study was only 11 weeks. It could, therefore, be argued that the result gained from such a small sample in a short period, cannot be generalised to all media. It is also worth to note that not all media is negative, the Guardian and the Independent, for example, seemed to be sympathetic for asylum seekers in comparison to the tabloid press.


Access to health care was another theme that I felt was important for the asylum seekers. The majority of the studies I reviewed indicated that there are barriers for asylum seekers accessing health care. For example, the research by Aspinall (2006) found, although asylum seekers are permitted to register with GP, it is lack of documentation that prevents them registering with GP. Studies by O’Donnel et all (2007) have also shown that access to healthcare is difficult for asylum seekers, failed asylum seekers in particular, they pointed out that ‘varying attitudes’ towards asylum seeker’s health problems amongst healthcare professionals has been shown to significantly contribute to the problems experienced by asylum seekers in gaining access to primary and secondary healthcare. These studies seem to be very reasonable, because other studies also confirmed thier findings. (British Medical Association, 2012, p.5) However, this is not the case anymore; as the Home office started issuing Application Registration Card (ARC) it is used ‘as evidence of identity, immigration status and entitlements in the UK’ these include registering with a GP. However, this card is no use to failed asylum seekers, because once it is expired, they can no longer access entitlement in the UK. The review also found some evidence that suggest poverty, and destitution was major factors which impacted on asylums seeker’s mental health Chantler (2012). No doubt that asylum seeker cherish the ability to be employed and to contribute to the society and to their well-being, but the UK government has since the introduction of nationality and immigration Act 2002, ‘denied them this opportunity, hence aggravating their poverty and possibly exacerbating mental distress’. (Chantler, 2012, p.321)

Immigration policies

Immigration policies such as detention and dispersal policy were key research themes discussed in my literature review. Findings from studies such Masocha (2011b, Chantler, 2012, Corrigan et al., 2014 and Aspinall & Watters, 2010) has consistently linked the experience of immigration detention practices, the impact of dispersal policy and poor mental health of asylum seekers. This link has been demonstrated using a ‘variety of research methods with asylum seekers detained in varying contexts in the UK’ (Chantler, 2012, p.423). Research in this area was challenging for a number of practical and procedural reasons. Researchers reported facing problems in getting access to asylum seekers in detention centres and this has impacted the quality of the studies (Masocha 2011b). The literature I have reviewed suggested that overall the UK immigration policy and the asylum system in particular, has negative impact on the mental health of asylum seekers, Masocha, 2011b, Chantler, 2012. In summary, the literaute has highlighted that the UK asylum system is de-personalising asylum seekers as it does not take into account asylum seekers pre immigration as well as post immigration mental health problems, , 2011b, Chantler, 2012, a veiw also reinforced by the findings of this study.

Research limitations

While this study was carefully prepared, I am still mindful of its limitations and shortcomings. The sample of participants or materials used is some of the limitations. As this was a secondary research, I was not personally able to witness the views of asylum seekers, as I was relying on what other researchers wrote about my topic. Another limitation is a practitioner’s perspective was taken, obtaining the perspective of asylum seekers/service users and would improve the quality of the study, this shortcoming can be attributed to the method of study (secondary review) and finally, another limitation would be, as this is an area that I am interested in, I probably interpreted the materials I collected in a way which supports or suits my research objectives.

Chapter 5 – Implications for social work

Social workers ‘promote a philosophy of self-determination and empowerment to reduce the effects of social inequality’ (Trevithick, 2012, p.12). This secondary review suggests that asylum seekers with mental health problems are some of the most stigmatised, marginalised and vulnerable groups in the UK (Mind, 2009). The review acknowledges both statutory and none statutory social work engagement with asylum seekers but argues that current practice is inadequate. This chapter will discuss the implications for the social work profession and suggest recommendations accordingly.

Ethics and values

By and large, the social work response has been slow to address the needs of asylum seekers and to spell out the relationship between living in destitution and mental distress. This lack of support for asylum seekers by social workers is evidenced in Gillespie’s research which has shown that out of 811 ‘respondents she studied between 2009-12; only two received any social work support’ (Lester, 2014, p.12). Social workers have a ‘responsibility to promote social justice, in relation to society generally, and in relation to asylum seekers inparticular’ (BASW, 2015, p.17). Therefore, asylum seekers must be seen as individuals with the same rights as UK citizens they must be listened to and their needs acknowledged and appropriately met (Lester, 2014) This means ‘working within an equality and diversity framework and putting measures in place to ensure that asylum seekers receive a fair and just response’ (SCIE, 2010, p.11)

Mistreatment of asylum seekers raises important issues of human rights. Practitioners need to employ a strong human rights approach to their practice The Social Care Institute for Excellence (scie 2015) has introduced guidance on ‘how social workers should assist asylum seekers’ (SCIE, 2010, p.11). The approach is right-based, in which social workers are expected to uphold the basic human rights of asylum seekers (ibid). Therefore, I suggest that social workers or anyone working with asylum seekers to adopt a human rights based approach in order to insure that the profession’s principles of equality and respect stated in the code of ethics of the profession are met. The principle states that ‘social workers should uphold and promote human dignity and well-being of service users’ (BASW, 2015, p.17).

Policy and practice

Many UK government policies and legislation concerning asylum seekers may be violating the basic human rights of asylum seekers, for example, detention and dispersal policies of asylum seekers, thus, statutory social work needs to be aware of this. There may be occasions where professional’s values will conflict with the government’s policy; for example when professionals find themselves in a position where they are requested to do something which they strongly feel will be risky to their own service users. For example, under Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, local authorities are required to inform the Home Office when they consider someone to be an ‘ineligible’ person (Lester, 2014, p.40). As a result, many refused asylum seekers with mental health problems ‘might fear their removal and so do not access any help from the local authority’ (ibid).

Therefore, rather than acting as an arm of immigration services, professional should practice an ethical way and uphold the human rights of individuals who use their services. They can manage this ethical dilemma ‘by making sure that asylum seekers are aware of the risk, so they can make an informed choice about what is best for them’ (Aspinall & Watters, 2010, p.20). Social workers also need to challenge oppressive legislation such as Immigration and Asylum Act, even though this will result in a direct conflict with their employer. The manner in which asylum policies have been shaped characterises significant ethical dilemmas for social workers. The manner in which asylum policies have been shaped characterises significant ethical dilemmas for social workers (Masocha, 2015, p.37). This is because social workers find themselves having to follow their employer’s instructions by excluding failed asylum seekers solely by their immigration status (ibid) Therefore, there is a need for social workers to have a critical understanding of the impact immigration and asylum polices have on asylum seekers.

Chapter 6 – Learning gained from undertaking the project

Undertaking a research project provides the researcher a potential method for learning and exploring a topic of interest. In my case, the topic I chose is about asylum seekers and the social problems they face in the host country. Thus, a qualitative method of social work research was considered appropriate for answering my research topic. I have never undertaken similar research before, so everything was new to me, for example, the literature review, research methods, methodology and other research terminologies. I had some basic secondary research skills before starting on this project; however, those skills were significantly improved as a result of conducting this study. I can look back now and say that my research skills were not as good as I would have liked in the initial stage of my research project, as I was so confused and did not know where to start with. But, after reading relevant books such Alan Bryman’s social research methods, I began to get a basic understanding of how to conduct a qualitative research topic. There are a number knowledge and experience I have gained from undertaking this study; the following section summarises such gains.

During the early stages of my research, I came across a huge amount of materials regarding asylum seekers in various secondary data sources, such as journals, books, government reports, newspapers, the internet, etc. The current study experience has taught me that it is not possible to analyse all the available data related to my research topic. Therefore, during the mini literature review phase of the study, I had learned to prioritise secondary as well as any primary data related to my research topic, according to a set of key criteria such as the reliability of the data, the integrity of the authors and their political and ideological affiliations. One of the benefits of secondary data review is that researchers with limited research experiences can conduct this type of study (Bryaman, 2008). However, I had learned that the key to effective research, is the ability to judge the quality of the data or information that has been gathered (Brayman, 2008, p.161) this is a skill I had lacked before I began my research.

Undertaking this project required a lot of planning and preparations, as each phase of the research had to be conducted in an organised and timely manner. Therefore, time management skills are one of the important skills I learned while undertaking the research project. Initially, I encountered challenges with regard to ensuring the progress of the research according to my schedule. These challenges mostly arose at the initial phase of the research. Because I had miscalculated the length of time required for the project and was constantly behind schedule. I have overcome this issue by taking control of my time, setting up a time plan and following that time plan.

During my research, I have learned that there are two types of research methods, primary and secondary research. I also learned that researchers who opt for primary research would primarily investigate topics relating to ‘current status and correlation factors’ (Brayman, 2008, p.294). However, the difficulty with this kind of research is that ‘its generalisability is often hampered by small sample sizes and time limitations’(ibid). On the other hand, researchers who opt for systematic review (secondary research) of data, will have the benefit of accessing existing primary data. They will also be able to easily access large amounts of materials from the comfort of their homes, ‘without necessarily needing to worry about the issues commonly faced by researchers carrying out large-scale primary research’ ibid) for example, gaining ethical approval before one begins his or her research. With regards to ethics and values, I have learned that social workers (as well as student social workers) are regularly confronted with ethical dilemmas when doing research has well as engaging with clients in practice. For example, the ‘values of self-determination can conflict with a duty of care, competing interests of the different organizations that a social worker is working with, and conflict between welfare for the service user and loyalty to their (social worker’s) employer’ can affect the social worker’s ability to provide an effective social work practice (Oliver & Sapey, 2006, p.25).

Chapter 7 – Conclusion

This study sought to review the impact of mental health on asylum seekers and to provide some understanding of the stigma felt by asylum seekers with mental health problems and to find out the factors that contribute to their mental health problems. My literature review is outlined in chapter 2. Factors that contribute or exacerbate mental health stigma on asylum seekers in the UK have been described. Of particular focus were, stigma (social and structural) the role of media, poverty and immigration policy such as detention and dispersal policy. This research has found that a combination of social stigma, structural stigma (by the state) lack of social provision, poor accommodation, oppressive legislation and racism left asylum seekers with a range of mental health problems for which they received very limited support (Phillimore, 2011)

The study also outlined how the mass media, Tabloid papers, in particular, play an important role in spreading negative stereotypes about asylum seekers. While the tabloid media often headline reports that asylum is here get handouts from the state (Refugee Council, 2014), broadsheet papers such as the Guardian ‘pay more attention to the impact of poverty among asylum seekers’(ibid). The study also highlighted barriers faced by asylum seekers with regard to accessing health services. Some of these barriers include; lack of documentation, language barriers, but most importantly, lack of awareness of entitlement by both GPs and asylum seekers themselves. Government legislation such as Scheduled 3 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 also limits access to health care for asylum seekers, particularly refused asylum seekers. The study also found that poverty and mental illness are linked, and the literature review suggests that asylum seekers are among the highest risk categories for mental health problems. (Chantler, 2012)

Ample literature which examines the experience of asylum seekers and failed asylum seekers suggest that specific government policies such as detention and dispersal, and legislation such as Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 are designed to disincentive those remain in the UK and to deter future arrivals (Chantler, 2012, Aspinall,2010). The research found that detention and dispersal policies have a negative impact on asylum seekers and detained asylum seekers tend to be more vulnerable to mental distress, particularly depression, anxiety, and PTSD, in comparison to ‘non-detained asylum seekers’ (ibid). The study also found how immigration policies such as dispersal policy can result in isolation and the loss of existing support networks. The final sections of chapter two presented the response of statutory and none statutory social work. The study argued that the social work response to the need of asylum seekers with mental health problems is inadequate. However, the study also acknowledged statutory social work’s limitation due to financial constraints and government legislation. Similarly, the study also found that non-statutory social work response to the need of asylum seekers is generally positive, but they are also affected by financial constraints. However, unlike statutory social work, they tend to challenge government legislation and push for changes to improve the lives of asylum seekers, but more importantly, they do not collude with immigration controls.

Chapter 3 described my methodological approach to the literature review, including the definition of key terms, themes I have selected for my study and those I have excluded. The chapter also described data collection procedures, ethical consideration, data analysis and theoretical perspectives. Research findings, implications for social workers and learning gained from undertaking this study is outlined in chapter 4, 5 and six respectively. Finally, I believe that statutory social work should actively challenge government policies that disadvantage asylum seekers. Social workers are in a position to do this as the profession’s code ethics, and values require that social workers have ‘a holistic approach and creative ways of working that do not collude with existing structural inequalities’ and oppressive government legislation (Aspinall & Watters, 2010, p.23).


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2015 in review

The stats helper monkeys prepared a 2015 annual report for this blog.

Here’s an excerpt:

The concert hall at the Sydney Opera House holds 2,700 people. This blog was viewed about 26,000 times in 2015. If it were a concert at Sydney Opera House, it would take about 10 sold-out performances for that many people to see it.

Click here to see the complete report.

2014 in review

The stats helper monkeys prepared a 2014 annual report for this blog.

Here’s an excerpt:

The concert hall at the Sydney Opera House holds 2,700 people. This blog was viewed about 17,000 times in 2014. If it were a concert at Sydney Opera House, it would take about 6 sold-out performances for that many people to see it.

Click here to see the complete report.