ISLAMIC EXTREMISM: THE UNTOLD TRUTH
Author: Abdi Rahman Mohamed Jibril
Publisher: Partridge Publishing, South Africa
Number of Pages-189
Available in Hardcover, Soft Cover and as an E-book.
Introduction- Part 1 – please note that this is a summary review of chapter 1 of the book. I will hopefully publish final review of all of the chapters shortly
The following review is based on my understanding having read the above book once. I understand that other readers/reviewers will most likely come up with a different conclusion.
This book is unique in the sense that the Author is Somali Muslim whose views are strong and against what he calls “extremist Muslims as well as mainstreams Muslims” the author does not appear to hide his views; he tells them as he sees them. Unlike some mainstreams, Muslim scholars who argue that terrorism has no place in Islam, the author, states that “All of the killings, hatred, and violence perpetrated by Islamist extremists can easily be justified on the teaching of Islam, especially some chapters of the Holy Quran and Hadiths. I have no doubt that this book will shock and even offend many readers, particularly, those who live the regions the author hails from. This is a book that one will not find the usual politically correct phrases one would normally expect from Muslim writers. The author begins to point the fingers to the teaching of Islam and blames the Koran, hadiths and Islamic scholars and lays everything bare. I am not surprised if he is not labeled as “kafir” because he touched a taboo subjects, and calls the reinterpretation and a review of Islamic teaching.
Overall this book contains Eight Chapters, and I intend to write a summary review of each chapter. In Chapter one, the author talks about how the teaching of Islam impact the thinking of extremist and Muslims (he interchangeably uses these terms). He argues Muslims hold extreme views and such views are supported by the Quran and the Sunnah. He, therefore, suggest that Muslims should remove all the Quranic verses that support fighting and violence from the Holy Book, because, ‘their cause and effects are invalid and illegitimate.’ The author is specifically critical to the Koranic verses on Jihad. He claims that Koranic verses that advocate for peace are not many and well known like those preach Jihad and fighting against the infidels. He claims that Islam feeds Jihad and encourages Jihadists and extremist to wage war, and the result is; torture and human rights violations that take place in Muslim countries.
Chapter one talks about Jihad in more detail. The author states that Jihad is used to fighting against Muslims and none Muslims alike. All Muslims are taught that Jihad in Islam is important that is why they see nothing wrong in killing because it is part of their religious belief. The author reports that the extremists do not read the Koran to understand its aims and values. They are angry and do not appreciate universal brotherhood. He argues that Islam can be truly a religion of peace, but extremists have hijacked it. He, therefore, suggest that the current trend of religious-based violence and hatred by extremists and in many cases many Muslims requires rethinking or reinterpretation of the religion. The author not only proposes the total elimination of verses that promote Jihad, but he is strong, advocating a total reinterpretation of Islamic teachings and adaptation of the United Nations Human Rights Convention.
The author further argues that the literal and clear meaning of the Koranic verses, support the belief of extremists and the source of their hatred is killing is the Holy Book itself. He claims that there is no common policy in Islam that guarantees peace, instead of Islam emphasise fighting and Jihad. He gives a long list of verses from the following chapters of the Koran;
· Albaqarah – 154, 192, 216, 245
· Al-imran -142, 157, 158, 169
· Al-nissa- 74, 75, 76, 84
· Al-maida- 51
· Al-anfal – 38, 39
· Al-towba 5, 12, 13, 14, 23, 36 and 37 as well as 111
The author believes that the above verses on Jihad served their purposed during the life of Prophet Mohamed and are no longer tenable in this day and age. He claims that Islam is not supposed to be a static religion, it has to change and be relevant to the modern world and its systems. He adds that the law of nature applies to Islam, meaning the understanding of Islam by those before us is not the same. He claims that we must not follow the footsteps of our ancestors. Otherwise, we would be behaving like the extremists.
The author talks about how Muslim clerics fail to take the responsibility to convey the true meaning of Islam to their folks. He talks about how Muslims learn the Koran by heart get some basic knowledge of Islam and then give themselves titles such as ‘Sheikh’ and Ma’ allim.’ He argues that there is no well-established system or procedure on how one can obtain these religious titles. Therefore, religious fatwas are the order of the and followers are expected to obey and follow such decrees.
On page 25 the author provides two contrasting claims. He states that the notion that extremist does not follow the true Islam and Islam does not advocate the killing of infidels and is a religion of peace is NOT true, because of extremist, follow the teaching of Islam and are fulfilling the order of their god, according to their belief system. However, on the same page, he states that Islam does not incite envy and hatred for others, but it was made by the people who administered the religion, for a long time.
Interactions with Christians
The author suggests, unlike Muslims Christians rarely expressed hatred towards Muslims. He states that ‘since Muslims consider none Muslims as enemies should they (Muslims) expect the same hatred from Christians? He supports his arguments, by saying that ‘ Christians usually wear a friendly, smile and interact with the without prejudice or hatred’ he tells of how Muslim asylum seekers get everything they need which they could not get from their own countries. He gives an example such as; peace, respect security, freedom justice, education, health services and social welfare. Muslims get all these without discrimination, yet, this is not compatible with what their religion teaches, he claims.
Chapter one concludes that plight of Muslims today is not the oppression from others (none Muslims), but it is due to Muslims not utilizing their own consciences. He gives an example of wartorn countries such as Syria, Somalia Iraq, Libya, and Yemen.
The permission given in Quran 22:40-41 to fight in self-defence was not only granted to defend Muslims from persecution, but to defend Christians, Jews and people of all faiths from acts of terror like those committed by Isis today.
Only two groups in our society promote the “Quran teaches terrorism” myth: anti-Muslim pundits and Isis extremists. Both are wrong.
This simplistic conclusion ignores that many groups in many countries are experiencing terror right now. It ignores the international arms trade from powerful western nations that wholly disregards human rights and has caused the death of more than 60,000 children in Yemen. And it ignores the fact that as Somalians suffer a massive famine Western media virtually ignores them – as it has ignored the Syrian crisis for the last several years.
Yet with attacks in Egypt, London and Syria, critics default to
blaming the Quran, citing its allegedly “violent” verses. We cannot resolve the Syrian, Yemeni and Somalia atrocities until we adhere to justice. Blaming the Quran for terrorism is not only demonstrably false, it wastes precious resources that could be spent on stopping war and famine.
Three critical facts demonstrate that nothing in the Quran permits terrorism. And while Islamophobes and Isis will both go on ignoring these three facts, the Quran, the Prophet Muhammad and Muslims worldwide continue to champion them.
The Quran requires that you read it in full. No “cafeteria Quran” here. As Quran 3:8 says, “We believe in it, the whole is from our Lord.” Isis and Islamophobes instead cherry pick. Quran 3:8 pre-emptively calls out people who cherry pick as “perverse” people, declaring, “…those in whose hearts is perversity seek discord and wrong interpretation of [the Quran].”
But don’t some verses of the Quran in fact say, “kill them where ye find them?”
Yes, hence we get to fact two.
Islam is a practical faith that permits self-defence in certain strict situations. When? Let the Quran explain.
First, the Prophet Muhammad and his companions patiently bore vehement persecution in Mecca for nearly 13 years. This included a three-year starvation boycott from which his wife Khadija later died. Muslims didn’t fight back.
Next, Muhammad sent some companions to seek refuge in Abyssinia under a Christian King, and Muslims still didn’t fight back. Third, when the Prophet’s companions even asked to fight back, Muhammad responded clearly, “I have not been given permission to fight.” And, finally, when the persecution became unbearable, Muhammad and the Muslims simply left Mecca – still refusing to fight back.
These refugees trekked 240 miles through the desert to escape terrorism, finally arriving in the predominantly Jewish city of Medina. If Islam taught terrorism and enforced Sharia, this was the time to demonstrate this. Instead, Prophet Muhammad formed the Constitution of Medina with the Jews, establishing a unified secular state.
Yet the extremists trying to kill Muslims in Mecca pursued the Muslims to kill them in Medina. And now – finally – the Quran
addressed fighting for the first time, permitting Muslims to fight in self-defence. The permission given in Quran 22:40-41 to fight was only given to “those against whom war is waged.” And fighting wasn’t just to defend Muslims from persecution – but to defend Christians, Jews, and people of all faiths. All subsequent verses addressing fighting are pre-conditioned on these clearly outlined rules of self-defense. Otherwise, it’s cherry picking, something the Quran forbids as perverse.
Additionally, Quran 2:193-194 declares that Muslims may only fight active combatants. Meaning, even if during battle an enemy combatant asks for amnesty, you must grant it. In Islam, there’s no such thing as “collateral damage,” mutilation, or torture. All this notwithstanding, fact three issues the death blow to Daesh and Islamophobe ideology.
You might now understand who the Quran refers to when it says “kill them where you find them”. The “them” are those terrorists who persecuted people for their faith, exiled them from their homes and then pursued to kill innocent people in their new homes.
In other words, “them” is close to a modern day Isis. The Quran permits killing terrorists in self-defence because they have waged pre-emptive war against you, or against Christians, Jews, or people of any faith. Yet, even then, if terrorists desist, the Quran forbids aggression against them. This teaching is not mere theory, it’s Islamic history.
Prophet Muhammad did something remarkable when he returned to Mecca after 20 years. Having suffered brutal persecution and murder of even his own children, he offered blanket forgiveness,
with the one condition that the Meccans accept universal freedom of conscience. He did not force Islam. He did not wage war. He did not imprison the city. He forgave.
As non-Muslim historian Stanley Lane-Poole attests: “The day of Mohammad’s greatest triumph over his enemies was also the day of his grandest victory over himself. He freely forgave the Koraysh all the years of sorrow and cruel scorn in which they had afflicted him and gave an amnesty to the whole population of Mecca.”
That is the love and compassion that Islam and the Quran teach. Any honest person can see that Isis represents Prophet Muhammad the way darkness represents light; the two are complete opposites.
Misconceptions about Islam creep in because people learn about the faith from headline news rather than from the Quran and the Prophet. Read the Quran, read a biography of Muhammad, seek out the True Islam education campaign.
The Jihad of education is the death blow to terrorism, and the lifeblood of universal human rights. And I invite you to that true Jihad.
Qasim Rashid is an attorney, author and national spokesperson for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community USA. Follow him at @MuslimIQ
Qore: Cabdisaciid Cabdi Ismaaciil-Sismail42
Siday ahaaataba, doodda ku saabsan diimaha iyo damiirka waxaan xasuustay kaddib markaan dhawaan akhriyey saddexda buug ee kala ah;
- The Book of Negroes (buugga daabacaaddiisa Maraykanka waxaa cinwaan looga dhigay “Some one Knows my name”) ee uu qoray Lawrence Hill
- Guri Samada ku Yaal (= A House in the Sky: A Memoir of a Kidnapping That Changed Everything) ee ay qoreen Amanda Lindhout iyo Sara Corbett
- Socdaalkii Dheeraa Ee Guriga (A Long Walk Home: One Women’s Story of Kidnap” ee ay qortay Judith Tebbutt.
Saddexda buug waxay wadaagaan in saddexduba ka hadlayaan dhib qabsaday saddex gabdhood (Aminata oo ah gabadha buugga hore sheekadadeeda tebinayo, Amanda oo buugga labaad ka hadlayo dhibkii qabsaday iyada iyo wadeygeed Nigel Brennan, iyo Judith oo buugga saddexaad ku saabsan yahay).
Waxayse saddexda buug ku kala duwan yihiin in kan hore uu yahay sheeko samays ah (=fiction), inkasta oo ay cuskantahay dhacdooyin taariikh ah, oo dukumiintiyo la helay laga tix raacay. Halka labada buug ee kale ay xanbaarsan yihiin dhacdooyin dhab ah, oo dadkii ay qabsadeen qudhoodu ay ka warramayaan.
Aminata, Amanda iyo Judith saddexdaba silic iyo saxariir badan ayaa lagu markaday, dadka dhibka ku markadayna waxaa ku jira qaar ehlu diin ah. Diimahooduna kala duwan yihiin, oo isugu jiraan Yahuud, Kirishtaan iyo Muslim intaba.
Tusaale ahaan, Aminata Diallo waxay ahayd gabar Afrikaan ah oo ku dhalatay tuulo la yiraahdo Bayo, oo Galbeedka Afrika ah. Waxaana dhalay qoys Muslim ah. Iyada oo 11 jir ah ayaa habeen madow tuuladoodii waxaa soo weeraray duulkii addoonta ka ganacsan jirey. Waxay dileen labadeedii waalid, iyadana addoon ahaan bay u qafaasheen.
Waxaa laga tillaabiyey badda Atlantika, waxaana lagu rogey mid ka mid ah dekedaha qaaradda cusub (=Amerika). Halkaasna waxay ku silcaysey hillaaddii muddo afartan dabshid ah. Halgan dheer oo ay ku mutaysatay in lagu tilmaamay in ay tahay “haweenaydii ugu kartida badnayd ee aan abid arko/the most capable women I have ever seen”kaddib, waxay dib u heshay xorriyaddeedii, waxayna go’aansatay in ay ka wardoonto dhulkii ay eheladeeda ku ogayd.
Waxay tagaysaa deegaanka gadaal danbe loo bixiyey Freetown. Markay halkaa gaartana waxay dadaal badan ku bixinaysaa sidii ay ku heli lahayd cid dhulka kala taqaan, oo gacan ka siisa sidii ay ku gaari lahayd tuuladii ay reerkooda ku ogayd. Ugu danbayntiina, waxaa la barayaa nin magaciisa la yiraahdo Xasan, kana mid ah ragga addoonta ka ganacsada, oo loo sheegay in uu dhulka aad u yaqaan, waxayna ku heshiinayaan in ay lacag badan siiso si uu u geeyo dhulka ay doonayso. Arrinkaas oo ka dhignaa waraabe hilib ku raro!
Xasan waa nin afrikaan ah oo yaqaan dhulka iyo afka looga hadlo deegaankii Aminata reerkoodu degi jireen, waxayna u badinaysaa in ayba isku qabiil yihiin. Waa muslim salaad jecel, oo dhib kasta oo jira aan marna salaadi waqtigeedii la dhaafayn. Iyada oo ay sidaa tahay, haddana si la mid ah sida uu salaadda uga fekero ayuu wuxuu uga fekeraa qiimaha ay bixi karto Aminata haddii uu geeyo seyladaha dadka lagu iibiyo. Ugu danbayntiina, wuxuu go’aan ku gaarayaa in uu iibiyo marka ugu horraysa ee uu la kulmo cid ka iibsata. Hayeeshee, Aminata oo garatay dabinka uu la damacsan yahay, isaga iyo shaqaalihiisii oo hurda bay habeen madow ka dhuumanaysaa, oo duur cidlo ciirsi la’ ah nafta ku biimaynaysaa. Adiguba caqlaad leedahaye carar maxaa dhaama!
Guud ahaan, muddada afartanka sano ka badan ee Aminata ay rafaadayso dadka dhibaya iyo kuwo gacanta u fidinaya labaduba waa ku kala duwan yihiin afka, diinta iyo midabka intaba.
Dhanka kale, Amanda waa gabadhii u dhalatay dalka Kanada ee bishii Agoosto ee sannadkii 2008dii iyada iyo nin ay saaxiib ahaayeen lagu afduubay magaalada Muqdisho, muddo 15 bilood ahna maxbuus u ahayd burcaddii afduubatay. Judith iyaduna waa haweenaydii u dhalatay dalka Ingiriiska ee burcadda Soomaaliyeed ka afduubeen magaalo xeebeedda Mambasa sannadkii 2011, muddada lixda bilood ka badanna Soomaaliya la haystaha ku ahayd.
Amanda raggii afduubay waxay u sheegeen in ay yihiin mujaahidiin u taagan in ay dalkooda iyo diintooda ka xoreeyaan Itoobiyaanka iyo gaalada kale ee ku soo duulay. Dhab ahaantiise, ikhyaartu diin jiris ma ahayn, balse doollar jiris bay ahaayeen. Xaqiiqadaasna Amanda waxaa si cad farta uga saaray wiil ka mid ah raggii ay u afduubnaayeen, oo ay magaciisa ku sheegtay Xasaam. Xasaam oo ay ku tilmaantay in uu ahaa wiil quraanka ku fiican, sidaa darteedna burcadda salaadda ka bixin jirey, wuxuu Amanda ku yiri: “Arrinku waa beeso, Islaam ma aha/ It is money, not Islam”.
Arrimaha ka maragkacaya in xaajadu xoolo raadis ahaydna waxaa ka mid ah in Amanda kaddib markay aragtay sida raggaani dhaqan diineed u muujinayaan, ay istustay in haddii ay islaamnimo sheegtaan ay xaaladdooda wax iska beddeli karaan, oo la sii dayn doono ama ugu yaraan si wanaagsan loola dhaqmi doono. Waayo, sida ay la tahay muslimiintu waa walaalo aysan bannaanayn in ay af iyo addin toona wax dhib ah isaga geystaan.
La mood noqonse wayday! Oo islaamkii Amanda iyo saaxiibkeed Nigel ay afka ka sheegteen, wax jixinjixa ugama helin burcaddii ay u qafaalnaayeen. Waxayse qirtay in musxafkii loo keenay iyo quraankii la barayey ay u ahaayeen daawo xagga maanka ah. Waayo, waxay heshay wax ay akhriso, oo waqtiga isku dhaafiso, welwelkana wax yar isku illoowsiiso. Waxaa intaa u dheeraa, in iyada iyo saaxiibkeed oo labo qol ku kala xirnaa ay baalashii kitaabka quraanka u adeegsadeen in ay farriimaha isku dhaafsadaan. Sidoo kale, waxay sheegtay in wardiga salaadda kaddib la akhriyo ee ah Subxaanallaah, Alxamdulillaah, Allaahu Akbar ay booskiisa ku beddelatay wardi ay nafteeda kula dardaarmayso, oo ah in ay boqol jeer ku celceliso erayga “adkayso, adkayso, adkayso, waad awooddaaye adkayso, ….!”.
Sida Amanda buuggeeda ku xusayso ragga afduubay diinta waa jecel yihiin. Salaadaha aad bay ugu dadaalaan, salaadda Jimcada dhar dhaqan oo qurxoon bay u qaataan, meel walba masaaxif quraan baa u waran, Isniinta iyo Khamiista waa soomaan, subaca iyo quraan akhriska afka kama qaadaan, hadalkooda oo dhammina waa waano iyo wacdi.
Amanda hooyadeed waxay sheegtay in ay saraakiishii Kanada ee la socoshada xaaladda gabadheeda u xilsaarnaa ay u sheegtay in ay ka welwelsan tahay in gabadha la qabsado (=kufsado). Saraakiishiina ay niyadda ugu qaboojiyeen in muslimiinta mukhlisiinta ah agtooda qabsashadu ka tahay denbi dilka ka daran.
Laakiin dhanka kale, marka laga yimaado denbiga ay ka siman yihiin ragga afduubka geystay ee ah in ay doonayaan in ay bani’aadam ka mushtaraan, ninka Amanda sida joogtada ah u kufsanayaa waa macallinkii quraanka barayey. Waa nin wax badan ku canaantay quraan ay si khaldan ugu dhawaaqday ama dhakhsihii la rabay ay ku qaybi weydey. Waa nin marar badan ku eedaynaya in aysan muslim wanaagsan ahayn, sababtuna ay tahay in ay been sheegtay. Waa nin jihaadka jecel, diyaarna u ah in uu dhakhso u shahiido.
Amanda iyada oo tilmaamaysa xaaladdeedii markii ugu horraysay ee kufsiga loo gaystay, waxay sheegtay in kufsigu: “tog dhex dhigay qofkii ay markaas noqotay iyo kii ay markaas ka hor ayahd making a gulch between me and the person I’d been”.
Kaaga daranta, kolka ay dhibka qabsaday u sheegto ninka dhallinta xukuma, oo ay ku tilmaantay in uu ahaa nin ladnaani ka muuqatay, una sheegay in uu dunida kale soo arkay, oo tusaale ahaan uu dalka Jarmalka muddo ku noolaa, isla markaana uu ahaa nin dhaqan diin ka muuqdo, oo astaanta sujuudda salaaddu ay wajiga uga taal. Halkii ay danqasho iyo wax qabad ka filaysey, intuu musxafka quraanka soo qaato, oo kala furo ayuu aayad farta ugu fiiqayaa, isaga oo u sheegaya in ay aayaddaas akhriso.
Aayadaha uu u sheegayo in ay akhriso waa aayadaha ay ka bilaabato suuradda al-Mu’minuun ee oranaya:
Waxaa dhab ahaan u liibaanay mu’miniinta
Ah kuwa salaaddooda ku khushuuca
Oo ah kuwa hadalka macno darrada ah ka jeesta
Oo ah kuwa bixiya sakada
Oo ah kuwa ilaaliya xubnahooda taranka
Haweenkooda iyo waxay hanatay gacantooda mooyee, laguma dagaalo taas.
Ninkaan oo ay gabadhu sheegtay in magaciisa loogu sheegay Maxamed, balse iyagu ay u bixiyeen Donald Trump -(waxay ku sammiyeen maalqabeenka Maraykan ah, ee hadda madaxweynaha u sharraxan. Waayo waxay la ahayd inuu ka mid yahay ragga mashruuca afduubkooda maalgelinayey)-, nuxurka farriinta uu doonayo inuu gabadha ka dhaadhiciyaa waa in kufsigeedu yahay arrin diinta Islaamku ay bannaysay, oo aan lagu danbaabayn.
Maxamed waa burcad fiqi duurre ah, waxayna la tahay in gabadhu tahay addoon la soo qabsaday, ayna soo hoos galayso Milku-yamiintii diintu bannaysay wax u doonashadooda. Amanda waxay sheegtay in ay liqi kari waydey in Maxamed oo ay waayo-aragnimo ku tuhmaysey uu quraanka u macneeyo sida kurayda yar-yar ee u shaqeeyaa ay u qaataan. Waxayna hoosta ka xarriiqday in xataa Injiilku dhib badan gaysanayo haddii loo macneeyo sidii qarniyo ka hor loo macnayn jirey.
Si ka duwan xaaladda Amanda, Judith Tebbutt marka ay ka hadlayso xiriirkii iyada iyo raggii afduubay waxay sheegtay in inkasta oo dayac iyo darxumo badan la baday, dhawr jeerna loogu hanjabey in la dilayo haddii lacagta maxadfurashada dhakhso loo bixin waayo, haddana aysan ka cabsanayn in nafteeda dil iyo faroxumayn toona loogu geysto. In xaalku sidaa noqdana waxay ku macnaysay in ragga haystey ay u arkayeen walax lacag joogta, oo haddii la waayo, lacagtii ay joogteyna la weynayo. Waxay tiri: “Waxaan dareemay in ay ii arkaan sidii in aan ahay walax ay lacag ka samayn karaan. Dhab ahaantii wax dan ah qof ahaan iyo dumar ahaan toona iigama aysan lahayn. Haba ka yaabin!”.
Amanda iyo Nigel waxay ka baxsadeen burcaddii haysatay, waxayna maciin bideen masjid ku dhawaa gurigii lagu hayey. Masjidka waxaa joogey rag badan oo salaad duhur u yimid. Amanda iyo saaxiibkeed markii ay calaacaleen oo ay codsadeen in la badbaadiyo, waxaa loo sheegay in la badbaadinayo. Hase ahaatee, kolkii burcaddii masaajidka ugu soo gashay, ee ay ka jiiteen masaajidka dhexdiisa, ma jirin cid far dhaqaajisay ama xataa diir-nax muujisay, oo aan ka ahayn hal qof oo dumar ah. Haweenaydaas oo iyada oo xijaaban masaajidka u soo gashay si ay dadkaas u badbaadiso, hiil iyo dadaal badan bay muujisay, laakiin burcaddii ayaa u itaal sheegtay, mana aysan helin cid dagaalka la gasha. Iska daa in ay hesho cid dagaalka la gasha e, raggii masaajidka joogey iyo kuwii guryaha ka soo baxay qaarkood burcadda ayay taageero u muujiyeen.
Judith iyaduna buuggeedda waxay ku xustay in muddadii ay la haysta ahayd ay mar xoogaa faraxday. Sababta ay la faraxdayna waxay ahayd in haweenay burcadda raashinka u karin jirtey oo magaceeda ay ku sheegtay Aamino, ay maalintii dhalashadeeda ku beegnayd ay u keentay sanbuus iyo dhalo Sprite ah, markii ay ka tagayseyna ay hab siisay (Amanda qudheedu waxay marar badan xustay dareenkii ay nafteeda uga tageen arrimo yar-yar oo ay ka mid ahaayeen; cad kalluun ah, koob shaaha iyo qalin ay waqtiyo kala duwan qarsoodi ahaan ugu keeneen Jamaal iyo Xasaam oo ka mid ahaa wiilashii waardiyeyn jirey). Sida la ogyahayna, qiimaha haddiyaddu kuma xirna sicirka ay suuqa ka joogto, balse waxay ku xiran tahay nuxurka iyo dareenka ay xanbaarsan tahay.
Dhanka kale, ragga Soomaaliyeed ee Judith saygeedii (Mr. David) diley, iyada afduubay, silic iyo saxariir ku markaday, ugu danbayntiina lacagta madaxfurashada ah ku soo daayey -(buugga laguma sheegin tirada lacagta la bixiyey, cidda bixisay iyo qaabka loo bixiyey toona, waxa keliya oo lagu xusay in arrinkaasi uu sir yahay) – waa muslimiin diintooda jecel, kuna faana. Waa rag aan oggolayn in salaadi ka tagto duruuf kasta oo ay ku sugan yihiin. Ma jecla in ay arkaan xubin ka mid ah jirka haweeney ajanebi ka ah, oo tusaale ahaan Judith waxay si joogto ah ugu khasbayeen in ay xijaab xirato, oo xataa aan la arag qayb timaheeda ka mid ah. Dhibka ay sida ba’an uga cabatayna waxaa ka mid ah qolalkii mugdiga iyo kulaylka badnaa ee ay ku xirnayd iyada oo xiran xijaab kulaylkii dabeecadda mid kale ugu sii daray.
Ragga sidaa u diin jecel marna ma milicsan xadiiska nebiga (SCW) laga wariyo ee yiraahda: “Dad waxaa u shar badan kan dadka iibiya/ شر الناس من يبيع الناس”.
Waxaana xusid mudan, in habdhaqankaani uusan ku gaar ahayn ragga Aminata, Amanda iyo Judhith afduubay, balse uu yahay mid ay wadaagaan burcadda badankoodu Soomaali iyo ajaanib, muslim iyo qeyrkood. Waxaana muuqata in marka ay is-qabtaan mabda’a iyo jeebku, in dadka badankoodu ay jeebka ka horraysiiyaan diinta iyo damiirka.
Amanda Lindhout waraysiyadii ay saxaafadda siisay midkood, iyada oo ka hadlaysa raggii afduubay ee jirrabka ba’an mariyey, waxay tiri: “ Waa bani’aadam leh sheekooyin xanuun badan oo soo maray. Sheekooyinkaasi sina denbiyadooda ugama beriyeeli karaan, balse waa miro ka dhashay dhaqanka gacan-ka-hadalka/ They’re human beings with painful stories of their own. It doesn’t make them innocent by any means, but they’re products of a culture of violence.”
Amanda waxay xustay in habeen Cabdullaahi kufsanayey, naf iyo nololna ay ka quusatay, ay ku fekertay in inta ay dafto qorigiisii oo dhulka yiil, ay xabbad oodda uga qaaddo, balse ay judhiiba xasuusatay sheeko uu Cabdullaahi horay ugu sheegay oo muujinaysa dayacii iyo darxumadii uu ku soo koray, markaana ay nafteeda ku dajisay in ay sidii ruux jirran oo caawimaad u baahan ay u aragto, ulana dhaqanto.
Markaan erayadaas Amanda akhriyey, waxaan xasuustay erayo aan mar hore ka akhriyey buug uu qoray qoraa Sacuudi ah, oo magaciisa la yiraahdo Maxamuud Taraawri, mar uu ka hadlayey Carabtii batroolka ka hor dhici jirtey muslimiinta Maka iyo Madiina xajka ugu socda. Erayada Taraawri ku qoray buuggiisa “Maymuuna “ ee uu tilmaanta uga bixiyey Carabtii xujeyda dhacaysey waxay ahaayeen: “ Waa muslimiin, muuminiintuna waa walaalo,… balse waxay ahaayeen jaahiliin gaajaysan… jahliga iyo gaajaduna naf iyo diinba waa dulleeyaan!”
Hadal iyo dhammaantiis, diinta iyo akhlaaqda waxaa ka dhexeeya xiriir xoog badan, laakiin marna ma aha sidii mataano uurka hooyadood ka soo baxay iyaga oo isku dheggan oo kolka mid dhinto ay khasab tahay in kan kalena uu raaco. Ruuxda diintu waa in Alle la jeclaado, uunkiisana ammaan la siiyo. Waana in la ogaadaa in nebiga (NNKH) loo soo diray si uu Bilaal iyo saaxiibbadi ugu gargaaro, balse aan loo soo dirin si uu Alle ugu gargaaro. Waayo, gargaarka dhabta ah ee Alle loo fidiyaa waa kan uunkiisa loo fidiyo. Khaliifkii Cumar bin Khaddaab (RC) waxaa laga wariyaa in uu yiri: Dadka Alle ugu yeera idinka oo aammusan. Waxaa la weydiiyey sidee bay ku suuroobaysaa in aan dadka Alle ugu yeerno annaga oo aammusan? Wuxuu yiri: Akhlaaqdiinna!! Cumar ka horna, nebigu (NNKH) wuxuu noo sheegay in diintuba tahay akhlaaq iyo dhaqan wanaagga, oo nebigu wuxuu yiri: “Diintu waa akhlaaq wanaag /Addiinu Xusnu al-khuluq!” iyo “Diintu waa dhaqan wanaag/Addiinu mucaamala ama xusnu mucaamala”.
Cabdisaciid Cabdi Ismaaciil
Qore: Cumar Xasan- laga soo xigtey- Maandoon.com
Weydiintii xitaa ma ka weecannay?!!
Boqol sano ka hor Muslimiintu waxay isweydiinayeen weydiinta ah: maxaynu udibdhacnay, iyaguna (reer Galbeedku) ay u hore mareen?
Waydiintan waxaa buugaag iyo maqalloba ka qoray rag mufakiriin iyo wadaaddo diineed isugu jira, waxaana ugu cadcaddaa:
iyo Shikh Rashiid Ridaa (Masar)
Maanta weydiintaa waxa beddelay,waydiimo kale sida:
Shiicadu ma galaa mise muslim?
Dimuqraaddiyaddu ma gaalnimaa mise islaamnimo?
Gadhka qofka xiiraa ma faasiq baa mise maya?
Muusigga iyo heesuu ma xaaraanbaa mise xalaal?
Is halaagiddu ma jihaadbaa mise maya?
Habluhu xilalka sare ee qaranka (madaxweyne, ra’isuwasaare, wasiir, xildhibaan, qaalli, iqk) ma ka qayb-qaadan karaan mise maya?
Akhriste makuula muuqataa in ay waydiintii hore hagaastay?
Maxaase keenay dibunoqoshadan maanta taagan?
Waxay ilatahay dhawr waxyaabod baa u sabab ah:
1.Waydintii hore oo si qumman loogu dhugmo yeelan
2.Diktaatooriyaddii siyaasadeed ee boqollkaa sannadood xukumaysay muslimiinta oo la dagaallantay maanka iyo isweydiintii qummanayd
3.Soo bixitaanka dhaqdhaqaaqyada islaamiyiinta sida Ikhwaanul_musliminka iyo Wahaabiyadii batroolka loo soo saaray, kuwaasoo dadka u sheegay in waxa keliya ee loo baahan yahay ay tahay in ay u noolaadaan sidii Salafku u noolaayeen, ugana digay inay ku daydaan gaalada halaagsantay ee reer Galbeed.
Qoladaan islaamiyiintu waxay ku abuureen dadka dareen islawayni aan xaqiiqo ku dhisnayn,oo ku koobaya mushkiladdaba keliya dumarka dharkooda iyo jihaadkii oo la soo nooleeyo, kaddibna si mucjisa ah udhalinaya khilaafadii luntay ee Muslimiinta.
Waxayse muslimiintu ku baraarugeen dhawaaqa miigagga USA;RUSSIA;BRITAIN IYO FRANCE oo galaa baxaya dhulkii ugu jilbaabka, salaadda iyo jihaadka badnaa , sida; Somaaliya, Afgaanistaan,Ciraaq iyo Suuriya..mise salaadi kaama celiso,oo soon daa, habaarkiina xitaa Sudaysi waa soo karay oo beryahan sidii hore uguma luqeeyo.
Haddaba miyaanay u muuqan in mar labaad la soo nooleeyo iswaydiintaas iyo kuwa u dhigma, gaar ahaan bulshadeenna Soomaliyeed oo layska illoobo ismoodsiiska odhanaya Ilaahay baynu ka fogaannay,ee aan salaadda ku yaacno.
Salaadda, soonka iyo dharka haweenku wax cilaaqo oo gaar ah lama laha horumar adduunyo iyo dib udhac toona, waa cilaaqo ka dhexaysa qofka iyo Rabbigiis.
Maxay u hormartay Japan oo innaga halkan ina dhigay?
Waa Waydiin u baahan warcelin ee aan u baahnayn waano
The United States President, Donald Trump has signed an executive order to allow all Somaliland nationals travel to the United States without visas. The new order, serving as a change in visa policy for Somaliland traveling to the United States, would permit them stay in the U.S for a maximum period of 180 days for Tourism or Business purposes only. Stay over 180 days would therefore require a visa. Trump says this measure is to strengthen trade between the United States and Somaliland. However, Somalilanders who hold dual nationality will be banned from entering the United States if their other passport is from Syria, Iraq, Sudan, Libya, Yemen and most importantly, Somalia, the failed state among the other seven Muslim-Majority countries “of concerns”.
It has emerged that trade and bilateral visa deals have been discussed by Trump and Somaliland Diplomats in the States. A source at the White House has hinted that Trump may revoke Australia’s opportunity of traveling to the United States without visas after cancelling all trade deals with the country. Allowing Somaliland to the United States freely is not the only order signed into force by Trump since assuming office. He has signed five new executive orders – including one to expedite environmental review and approval of high-priority infrastructure projects. President Donald Trump signed executive orders to advance the construction of the controversial Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines. He also signed an executive order on Monday barring federal funds from organizations that promote abortion around the world, including the International Planned Parenthood Federation, in what activists say is the president’s first major pro-life
action while in office.
by Abdinasir Ali Mohamed: Saturday, August 24, 2013
Any objective reader of The Economist’s articlewould quickly sense not only the plight of British-Somalis in the UK and the huge acculturative challenges they face, but also may sense what can be construed as the motivation of the article. Although the causes of some of the challenges this community faces have been widely discussed in literature (see APPG, 2012; Atfield & Bloch, 2002; Bigelow, 2008; Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Harris, 2004; Mohamoud, 2011; Rasmussen, 2009; The Change Institute, 2009); the article’s quick jump to associating British-Somalis with gossip houses may be a clear indication of its motivation to project Somalis as preferring gossiping to finding jobs. This understanding is reinforced by the article’s emphasis on the community’s low school achievements, religious extremism, and ‘refugee’ statuses which makes many to rely on the benefit system. Although the article provides a problem question that deserves genuine and serious investigation, it fails to identify a key issue―absence of meaningful data about the community at the national level―rendering the article uninformative. Without available national data, no genuine effort can provide a plausible answer to what holds Somalis back both in UK and in the wider EU in any meaningful way.
Absence of Data
Any genuine discussion as to why British-Somalis fare worse than other minority groups has to start with the absence (and availability) of good data. Without credible national data, any portrayal of the British-Somalis will simply remain futile. This is because, like any other research question, defining the problem must precede armchair comments about it. Therefore, why Somalis in the UK lag behind may be partly explained by the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level. For example, in the most recent UK census in 2011, as in the 2000 census, the government did not collect Somali data (APPG, 2012), although it collected data of groups that are far smaller than British-Somalis (see Office for National Statistics (ONS), December, 2012). Instead, British-Somali data were collected as part of the wider Black/African category. There are two reasons as to why ONS should not lump Somalis into this grouping variable. Firstly, Somalis in the UK clearly differ from the majority of their Black African counterparts on numerous factors: most Black Africans in the UK hail from former British colonies e.g. Zimbabwe, Zambia, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and so on; where English is the lingua-franca. In contrast, English language has never been the lingua-franca among Somalis. Thus, while most people of Black African heritage come to the UK with working level of the spoken English language, and British recognised qualifications, many Somalis did not; leading to lack of recognition and utilisation of their qualifications, skills and expertise (Atfield & Bloch, 2002; Harris, 2004). Secondly, most people of Black African heritage in the UK e.g. Nigerians and Ghanaian were not uprooted by a civil war like most Somalis. Therefore, not only the highly educated middle class Somalis became refugees in the UK, but also the nomadic and farmer communities uprooted by the civil war too. Hence, the Black/African category cannot not statistically meaningfully represent such distinct groups.
Moreover, in the absence of Somali category, one would assume that most Somalis would tick the nearest category which they think they fit, which is Black/African. This may be exacerbated by an unfamiliarity among the Somalis about the meaning of these categories. Recently, a Somali parent and a former statistician in the Somali ministry of planning informed me that while ticking the ethnic group part on a school application, his 20 year old daughter and 18 year old son asked him if the reasons for him to tick ‘Other’ and write Somali was because he did not want them to be identified as Black/African? Such naive assumption is generally observed in research as resulting from the absence of any cues as to the purpose of these categories, leading to both methodological validity and reliability issues. This indicates that the data known about Somalis in the UK are terribly incomplete at its best. Using such problematic data and making assumptions, generalisations and comparisons is grossly misleading, simply because some Somalis tick categories such as ‘Other’ and write Somali, while others simply tick ‘Black/African’. Therefore, a good proportion of Somalis are obscured in the Black/African category, while only a fraction are identified as Somalis.
In addition, although some local councils recently began to collect ethnic data i.e. school achievement (Ali & Jones, 2000; Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Strand, et al., 2010; Tower Hamlets Council, n.d), these results vary from council to council. Perhaps, this is because students may tick themselves as ‘Black/African’ rather than Somali in order to not only fit in their environment, but may also do so as an avoidance strategy of perceived discrimination. Thus, in the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level, and in the absence of efforts to educate the British-Somali community about the aims of these categories, the generalisations of inactivity and benefit dependency made in The Economist article will remain simple claims that are difficult to substantiate.
Furthermore, the article suggested that Somalis in the UK are just over one 100,000. Speak to Somali community leaders and the figure is between 350,000 and 500,000. One Somali academic and a community leader working for the NHS in Birmingham told the author of this paper that Somalis in Birmingham are estimated at over 80,000. In addition, two London boroughs, Ealing and Brent, boast to have about 65,000 Somalis, although community leaders believe that the numbers are far greater than these official figures. In light of the huge discrepancy between estimates of Somali community leaders and the cited figure of The Economist article, it could be safely argued that such claims as ‘50% of British-Somalis rent from local councils’ should be more statistically corrected to 12.5% since the article cited approximately a mere 25% of the British-Somalis in the UK; which is not surprising considering the high discrimination levels they face when compared to other groups (APPG, 2012). This again, highlights the plight of British-Somalis since their data are obscured in a wide category that does not sufficiently represent them.
So why do they fare worse?
There is no doubt that British-Somalis fare worse than their counterparts in the UK. However, considering the fact that Somalis are known to be industrious and entrepreneurs, their predicament appears to have both social and structural barriers that prevent them from utilising their skills. For example, employment is closely entwined with skills, experiences and levels of education; and the better one’s skills and education level, the higher their chances of employment. However, for the Somali community, the problem is not a lack of skills or education, rather a set of barriers resulting from lack of recognition of their skills and education (see Harris, 2004) to discrimination and exclusion. Such lack of recognition of skills e.g. doctors driving minicabs (Harris, 2004), and the purposeful dissuasion by school teachers of young Somali students from aiming high (Kuyok, 2011) are some of the examples of barriers to employment and school achievements. Thus, what holds Somalis back can be summarised as the interplay of a number of structural and social barriers of which lack of recognition of skills is a crucial one.
Furthermore, there has been little social research on British-Somalis, and what is known about them is known through commissioned reports that seek solutions to problems of a particular time and place. However, even these commissioned reports on the Somali community highlighted the widespread perceptions of discrimination and sense of invisibleness among the community (Demie, McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Harris, 2004; McLean, & Lewis, 2008; Rasmussen, 2009). In addition, compare Somalis in Europe to Somalis in the UAE, South Africa, Zambia, South Sudan, and Nairobi; a different picture emerges: a successful and highly entrepreneurial community; further reinforcing the argument that widespread discrimination and lack of access to opportunities are holding British-Somalis back.
Last but not least, as it appears, when refereeing to Muslim groups, no article is complete without the flavour of religious ingredients. Similarly, maligning easy-target Muslim minority groups, lack of sensitivity and critical evaluation of uninformed and unrepresentative comments no longer appear to be a monopoly of the red-top papers. As The Economist’s article portrayed, sections of the British-Somalis are becoming fanatics; its ‘evidence’ is by a reference to a comment about three year old Somalis wearing headscarves, together with the emphasis that British-Somalis overwhelmingly depend on the benefit system. This appears to create a blend of disgust and fear among lay readers of The Economist article, leading to a self-fulfilling prophesy as readers may expect Somali women or even children wearing simple and peaceful headscarves to be the prophesied indicator of Muslim fanaticism―an outcome I like to think The Economist did not intend to predict.
Besides the barriers that British-Somalis face in the UK and in the wider EU, and contrary to the bleak image painted by The Economist article, British-Somalis are making positive strides. In the education front, more and more Somali private schools and after-school clubs are emerging in almost all areas that have sizable members of the community. In addition, in most universities, British-Somali students both females and males are becoming more visible, while more and more British-Somalis are opening new businesses e.g. import/exports, pharmacies, money transfer companies and other retail based trades. Finally, in the face of subtle and sometimes blatant discrimination, and in the absence of Somali-specific data at the national level, it would be futile to make armchair assumptions and sweeping generalisation stripped of all contexts about an entire community that may be faring reasonably well against all odds.
Abdinasir Ali Mohamed (London, UK), is a researcher interested in social psychology
(BSc & MSc in Social Psychology, Statistics and Research Methodology)
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